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From The Herald - TIZ boss hypocrisy exposed

Opinion & Analysis: TIZ boss hypocrisy exposed
By Chinondidya Chinosekerera

IN recent years there has developed, in the civic society world, a mode of analysis of our problems that is cynical of genuine attempts by revolutionary governments to come up with systematic, holistic and endogenous solutions to those problems. One Goodwill Shana, head of Transparency International Zimbabwe, represents this cynical, if not ideologically bankrupt, tradition. In his statement in The Financial Gazette (March 1-7, 2007), Shana lampooned the ongoing Baseline Survey on Corruption in Zimbabwe, describing it as "a waste of money".

Yet what Shana does not mention, at least publicly, is the fact that he is the current vice chairman of the survey’s steering committee, and has served in that capacity since January 9 this year. Therefore, Shana is part of the body of persons vested with the power and authority to co-ordinate, guide and manage the survey. In furtherance of the said objectives, Shana duly nominated a TIZ representative, Mr Killron Dembe, to participate in preparatory meetings for a stakeholders’ workshop held at Rainbow Towers on February 21, and to present the findings of civic society.

Shana’s invitation to join the steering committee and subsequent nomination as its vice chairman — a nomination he duly accepted — was a result of extensive consultations between the Government of Zimbabwe, the United Nations Development Programme, the African Capacity Building Foundation and, notably, TIZ itself. In that capacity, Shana is fully aware of the fact that the point of the Baseline Survey is to scientifically analyse and comprehend the nature, levels, extent, causes, and specificities of corruption in the context of the political and ideological terrain on which it unfolds. Now that the whole country knows that Shana is part and parcel of the survey, one wonders whose interests he is serving when he publicly criticises the survey. Why, indeed, is he trying to kill the survey in its infancy, and to what end?

Or is it a question of sour grapes on his part, especially given that TIZ initially wanted to carry out the survey on its own so that the Western community, particularly the British and Americans, could give the findings their seal of approval? Indeed, it is common knowledge that TIZ, together with other Western-sponsored non-governmental organisations, is the agency through which Europeans seek to effect illegal regime change in Zimbabwe. Therefore, the conclusion is inevitable that in discrediting the survey, Shana is on an ideological mission to satisfy his paymasters by creating the false impression that only "gurus" of civic society have authority to speak of efforts to root out corruption in Zimbabwe. The effect of this neo-colonial paternalism of civic society has been to hamper open and objective discussion on crucial issues affecting the continent and, in the case of Zimbabwe, the role of the United States-led European political gurus of regime change in the country.

The point has to be made, however, that the survey will focus on all sectors of society, including the NGOs, churches, political parties, and media. The likelihood, therefore, is that the survey findings will blow the myth peddled by Europeans that corruption is endemic only in Zimbabwe’s public sector; just like the National Manpower Survey of 1981 exposed similarly conceived imperialist fallacies that white skills were indispensable to the maintenance of "standards", "efficiency" and "accountability" in independent Zimbabwe. The same view expresses itself as part of an imperialist ideology that views Africans as naturally given to dishonesty, untold corruption and nepotism.

Yet to ignore the centrality of imperialism in any analyses of corruption in Zimbabwe, as Shana attempts to do, is to overlook the role of imperialists and their agents in creating conditions favourable to the upsurge of the scourge. The fact of the matter is imperialism is neither a convenient bogey nor a convenient peg on which to hang the majority of Africans’ ills. You see, to lift the stone off the so-called Western or European civilisation is to expose stinking worms, all crawling out and covered with the sludge of slavery, colonialism, neocolonialism, aggression, assassination of revolutionary leaders, and other thuggish imperialist "-isms" through which Europeans have been plundering African resources for centuries.

Thus, this deliberate self-indulgence that Shana exhibits has two major flaws: at a subjective level, he acknowledges the urgent need to combat corruption, which, unfortunately, comes from his having accepted, uncritically, the post-2000 Western problematisation of the situation in this country. Yet after having accepted that version, he proceeds to savagely condemn the very strategy that will likely establish a quantitative and qualitative benchmark against which to gauge why things are what they are and how, on the basis of the current configuration of local, regional and global forces, those determined to combat corruption may begin to organise and plan the best way forward. In so doing, Shana has predictably done himself and the civic society constituency he represents a singular disservice: he reflects a gross misunderstanding of his responsibility as the vice chairman of the Survey Steering Committee.

Additionally, he seems unable to comprehend the real purpose of carrying out a deeper and incisive investigation of the nature and extent of the scourge. The fact of the matter is that Shana and TIZ, the organisation he heads, represent a reactionary nationalism, which invariably leads to neocolonialism. He shows avid and blind sympathy for white tribes, yet sympathy pushed to the extreme reinforces an imperialist ideology. This observation assumes greater relevance because TIZ is quite pivotal to the overall strategic and economic considerations of imperialist policy in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa.

Shana must either publicly resign his position in the Survey Steering Committee or make concerted efforts to break with the structures of dependency by relying on effective planning based on a pan-African ideology. It is a difficult and long-drawn task, admittedly, but one that has to be attempted, beginning with a clear perception of the cases of under-development to which corruption directly derives. Naturally, the strategy demands autonomous, scientific and technological research. This may well be beyond the capability of Shana, whose singular motive is to discredit the survey so he can impress his paymasters — and, thus, keep donor funds flowing.

In the end, the likes of Shana are being paid by imperialists to attribute all that goes wrong in Zimbabwe to Zanu-PF and the Government it leads. And this without identifying and examining those historical, socio-economic and strategic factors influencing the actions of a few misguided individuals in society — both civic and public — who are fuelling corruption. Perhaps, on reflection, those sponsoring the survey — Government, UNDP, ACBF — should ask themselves what they were asking Shana to do when they invited him to be part of the survey. Are they asking him to support the survey and, in the process, abandon donor funding? Would this not be the equivalent of asking him to commit suicide?

Therefore, Shana’s position can be likened to that of a husband who comes home and finds his wife lying naked with another man. "Why are you doing this?" the husband cries out. "Why?" the wife replies, "I’ll tell you why! Who do you think pays the rent around here on your paltry salary? Who do you think bought the DVD? Where do you think I got the money for our holiday vacation to Dubai?" "For God’s sake," the husband sobs, "cover him up before he catches a cold!"

The Western donor is doing to the likes of Shana what the lover in the foregoing analogy was doing to the man’s wife. But the official line from imperialist puppets in TIZ and other donor-funded NGOs is definitely to "cover him" up with blankets of human rights, democracy, rule of law and good governance.




http://www.herald.co.zw/inside.aspx?sectid=16915&cat=8

Employee share schemes boost productivity, profits
Business Reporters

THE staff share purchase scheme introduced by companies as a means of empowering employees has paid dividends with companies recording an increase in productivity. Indications are that most companies benefited reasonably well, recording good profits in the current financial reporting period. This was attributed to the deliberate strategy to attract, reward and retain senior and middle management.

Among the companies that have implemented the employee share purchase scheme are Dairibord Zimbabwe Limited, CBZ Bank, CAPS Holdings, Kingdom Financial Holdings Limited, Cairns Foods, Barclays Bank and Old Mutual. Speaking during the sidelines of the bank’s financial briefing, Kingdom chief executive Mr Nigel Chanakira said: "The scheme is meant to attract and retain highly skilled personnel and align executive and staff interests to those of shareholders."

Kingdom Financial Holdings shareholders approved the allocation of 43,6 million shares to the company’s employee share purchase scheme which they introduced in January this year. The issue of the shares raised $1,8 billion in new capital and the shares were subsequently listed on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange. Analysts said the plan was an empowerment process on the part of workers as it created wealth for them through the dividends they were entitled to.

"Companies are encouraged to implement such schemes as it makes the workers take ownership of the company’s business and allows them to take more responsibility and accountability," said economic commentator Mr Luckson Zembe. The strategy was not only common in Zimbabwe but internationally as other international organisations such as insurance giant Old Mutual were also implementing them in countries where they have a presence.

Old Mutual introduced three new share incentive plans recently as part of the company’s Black Economic Empowerment ownership transactions. "This plan is designed to assist Omsa in attracting and retaining senior black management in light of the increased competition for talented and experienced management. "Participation is limited to black executives, senior or middle management who are permanent employees of the participating companies and is in addition to the normal annual share incentive allocation to these employees under the Omsa Management Incentive Share Plan," said Old Mutual.

The now defunct Trust Bank was the flagship of Trust Holdings whose main shareholders were employees with 10,63 percent shares. In a previous interview, National Investment Trust chief executive Mr Aaron Jeremiah was quoted as saying the trust encouraged companies to implement the employee shareholder scheme which he said improved productivity. "As NIT, we champion economic empowerment for the indigenous people, and if employees feel they own the companies they work for, then productivity also improves as they will work even harder," he said.



http://www.herald.co.zw/inside.aspx?sectid=16911&cat=8

Parties make giant step towards signing of social contract
By Victoria Ruzvidzo

A giant step towards the signing of a social contract was made in Vumba last Friday when all parties decided it was time to subordinate sectoral interests for the good of the country. This, a culmination of two days of intense debate, could result in the establishment of a social contract sooner rather than later.

The Government, business and labour were unanimous that going around in circles was not taking them anywhere. This by itself rid the social dialogue process of the most difficult hurdle that has stalled talks since the Kadoma Declaration in 2001. It had proved difficult all along to get the parties to agree on the way forward as interests by business, or labour, or Government itself in some instances, often got into the way of conclusive discussions. But this, as was to be proved in Vumba, was not in vain. It helped shape the social dialogue process and, at the end of the day, all the parties saw reason for consensus.

The Vumba retreat was not without its moments of emotional outbursts, nor was it a stroll in the park. But at the end of it all, the "Zimbabwe First" concept carried the day. All interests would be set aside, as focus would be on finding a lasting solution to the socio-economic challenges bedevilling the country. Government, as represented by the Minister of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare, Mr Nicholas Goche, and other ministers who included the Minister of Mines and Mining Development Mr Amos Midzi; the Minister of Indigenisation, Anti-Monopolies and Anti-Corruption, Dr Samuel Undenge, made its position clear.

It wanted to dialogue as an equal partner. It did not harbour any selfish ideas but was keen to partake in a constructive and successful social dialogue process that did not remain as mere rhetoric but that signatures would have to be put down for a concrete outcome. Mr Goche, in his keynote address, stressed the Government’s desire for visible results in the engagement process. "At the risk of indulging in name blaming, we need to take stock of our mistakes which stifle purposeful social dialogue and proceed to come up with a clear roadmap in order for tripartite social dialogue to bring about economic turnaround. "Tripartite social dialogue ought to make an impact on the economy. We need to cultivate a culture of dialogue. This culture should be part of the way we process issues in the social and economic arena.

Business, as represented by Employers’ Confederation of Zimbabwe president Mr Johnson Manyakara, said although the temptation to place individual and sectoral interests above those of the nation had been high, it was time that business leadership demonstrated its commitment by taking "painful" decisions necessary to correct the macro-economic environment. "We have come to declare business’ commitment to social dialogue. To express our determination to play our part fully to get this country where it belongs and finally to assure our colleagues in Government and labour that we are very cognisant of the fact that our interests are inextricably bound together in this, our country, Zimbabwe. "We need each other," said Mr Manyakara.

Labour, as represented by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions vice-president Mr Nkiwane it was fully committed to the process. "As labour we believe that the social contract is the answer to some problems bedevilling our country. We can do it. Arriving at a social contract is a process, a process that starts with commitment to the social dialogue," he said. Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Dr Gideon Gono, credited with resuscitating the social dialogue process in his January monetary policy statement added his voice once again on the need for a social contract as the foundation for the economic turnaround process.

"Our workers living conditions have become unbearable and cannot be allowed to get any worse. The social contract must lay a credible programme for addressing the urgent needs for labour. "Our businesses are, in the main, operating at precarious capacity levels, with limited scope for expansion over the horizon. The social contract must urgently address business’ viability concerns for economic turnaround. "Government’s revenue streams are fast dissipating, relative to the growing demands on them to meet critical productive and social spending programmes. The social contract must lay a foundation for progressive implementation of Government programmes," said Dr Gono, stressing that the social dialogue process was a win-win process in which all partners needed to take equal ownership of 33 percent each, with 1 percent remaining for external partners.

The International Labour Organisation, as represented by its director for sub-Saharan Africa, Professor Tayo Fayoshin, and the United Nations Development Fund, as represented by its resident representative Dr Zacarias Agostinho, said they were in together. They wanted to help Zimbabwe attain a sound social contract. They had both invested funds and other resources in the dialogue process. The Vumba retreat was sponsored by the two organisations and the RBZ.

Before the finalisation of the joint communique signed at the end of the retreat, business and labour aired their grievances and misunderstandings which they said needed to be addressed within the engagement framework. Labour said all along it was being treated as a lesser partner. The adoption of the Kadoma Declaration, which had been done a week earlier, did not mean much for labour, with the real gains lying in the Incomes and Prices Stabilisation Protocol. It was heard.

On its part, business said any discussion that did not include the critical issues such as productivity would not yield much for its constituency. It was heard. At the end of it all, the joint communique signed by the three social partners took into account these concerns. The parties made an undertaking to work together towards resolving the challenges confronting the economy.

The Incomes and Incomes Stabilisation Protocol would be finalised as a matter of urgency. Furthermore, the restoration of the Production Viability Protocol and the Kadoma Declaration and the Tripartite Negotiating Forum founding principles would also be signed "immediately". The commitment could start yielding results. The commitment registered by the three partners was exactly what the doctor ordered for the economy to get out of the woods. What remains to be seen is whether the words "immediately" and "urgent" would assume the dictionary meaning.

Labels: THE HERALD, ZIMBABWE

posted by MrK @ 10:54 PM