Maravi

(HERALD) Total independence: Control of economy

Total independence: Control of economy

CHITEPO was killed while I was at a Frelimo Camp, Seguranza, in Tete province. But I came back because I had recruits, some trained, to take them to Chifombo for shelter. Some who were going to Tanzania and some had no ammunition.

So I took off from Seguranza in two of the trucks and ferried trained personnel and recruits from Tete to Malawi. When I was in Malawi, after the death of Chitepo I spent a night in Blantyre. The following morning, I took my two trucks, which trucks were authorised by Hashim Mbita of the OAU to carry the recruits. But when I got back, I was arrested by the Zambian authorities.

"You have killed Chitepo," they said. And I was put in prison, detained. I was detained in 1975-76 together with Tongogara and others. We were together. Tongogara was treated as the first culprit. He was sitting in a compound with iron manacles on his arms and legs.

We knew very well that it was not the death of Chitepo they had arrested us for, but we were arrested for that reason.

The revolution had gone far.

If you recall, look for an article from the Rhodesians saying: "We have now removed the head." The document came while we were detained. By removing the head, what are you talking about? The Chairman was dead and the military commanders were arrested so there was no more activity.

How Chitepo was killed, you know very well what happened. Those who did it, they know what happened. I read the book about the Chitepo Assassination that explains who did it, what deals were made, which agents, how they came in . . . so we know what happened. The objective was to stop the liberation struggle.

At that time, Mozambique was also preparing for its independence, and the pressure on Frelimo was growing. People were saying to them you must solve your own problems before you support what is going on in Rhodesia. Some approached Samora giving conditions about the movement of our freedom fighters within Mozambique and we suffered losses.

There were negotiations for Zimbabwe’s independence taking place on the bridge at Victoria Falls. A lot of things were being said. "The freedom fighters must stop recruiting", but people still joined the struggle. The border was sealed and if you got there, you were arrested.

When we were released from prison, we went to Mozambique to continue. We then took over our offices like yesterday.

Then we started to reshape the military, Tongo and Rex were in Geneva at more talks with the British, and with the other group we went to the camps. We said we would continue with the fight. It was military unity at that time, not political unity, which came later.

I always say the military operates under a political structure. For Zipra, which are you talking about as political structure? Long before that, Zanu and Zapu had formed the Joint Military Command, which was to go to the OAU for support, and we shared leadership. Tongogara and Dabengwa chaired JMC. It was to reduce tension and increase support after Frolizi appeared. We created the JMC to go to OAU for support, as a team, getting support from the Liberation Committee.

Tongogara and Dabengwa had that vision. That is what is talked of in the Mgagao document that clearly says Zipra and Zanla must come together, but it started from JMC When Tongo and I were arrested, there was no head. So the commanders had remained united, and then talk of Zipra.

But it didn’t appear from nowhere, it came from the JMC, from Zipra and Zanla operating under one roof, and under their political leaders.

Unity of the military started there. You talk of organisations and their military wing. Herbert Chitepo and Jason Moyo were working together, speaking the same language. The unity between the military groups made it possible for the politicians to work together. Chitepo was killed, Jason Moyo was killed, who else had that authority to unite the political wings?

It came into being only when the political leaders were released from prison. When the leadership came out of prison in 1975, when President Mugabe joined us, then we had a political leadership.

Ndabaningi Sithole had tried to take a short route to independence and he was denounced, his deputy Leopold Takawira passed away in prison, so the third person was the secretary-general of the party, Robert Mugabe.

He was in place as head of the party. That was also what was stated in the Mgagao Declaration, it was party policy. Later there were elections at a party congress in Chimoio in 1977, where Mugabe was elected President of Zanu.

Now we are talking about a political body with support of the military, which was the High Command. Elements of the High Command were given posts on the Central Committee. I then deputised Emerson Mnangagwa on the security of the President, that was my post. So now there was a political leadership, and we again had proper structures.

We had recruits from all over. At first they came through the Botswana border, but later it was Mozambique. There was really no border in the sense that there was anywhere you could not cross and they came to Zanla camps in Mozambique.

For one to be prepared to be a freedom fighter, it requires political orientation. I have talked of the vow, that signed the vow of the first freedom fighters. But that arrangement was no longer taking place from 1972 to 74 because of the numbers. The signing was no more taking place because they were too many.

What was needed was to politicise these youngsters so they knew what they were fighting for . . . only then would victory be certain. When you talk of the revolution and war, the revolutionary war has got objectives.

You must win it. And by winning, what do you mean? Is it that you put people in offices taking over from the previous regime, if so, then that is part independence. Were we fighting to be in offices? The answer is no.

We were fighting to be in control of our resources, which is the economy.

When we are not in control of the economy, what are we talking about? We are talking of a political victory. Political victory leaving the economic control doesn’t make anything.

So the Lancaster documents spell out very clearly, no disturbance within the first 10 years of independence. For those who structured it, in my view, they were very clear on what they wanted. What happens next, which generation arises after 10 years?

They will forget where they came from. They are now in offices, now I am called the Commander of the Defence Forces, given a big office, but is it exactly what made me go to war?

The answer is, no. So can I call it a victory? This is why I always say, for me to tell myself what I did for this country, is to control the economy. That is why we went to war, to reclaim the land, because that was the key.

When you read historically, by saying, Vana Ve Zimbabwe . . . vatwana va lizwe (sp), sons and daughters of Zimbabwe, sons and daughters of the soil. Lizwe is not an office, lizwe is the soil . . . So these slogans are historical. Without control of the soil you have got nothing.

I think we are happy now that we are talking the same language. Total victory to independence is the control of the economy.

So what is ours? There is no complete control of any product, you depend on sending raw materials. That means you can’t really control, you can’t really demand, because processing adds value. Then they tell you this finished product is so much, but it is you who provided it. Why can’t you make sure that you grow your cotton, you put ginneries there, to make your own shirts and blankets? Then you export a complete product. Then you can say that you are in control. But as long as you talk of unfinished products then you are still a worker.

If in 1980 we had said we were taking the land, it would have contradicted what was in the document of Lancaster. The Lancaster documents spell out the willing-seller willing-buyer concept for 10 years. And you cannot change anything within the Constitution until after 10 years. It was a condition. That was the situation.

Total victory of any liberation war is not a gun. Finally, there will be some talks, political, which happened in this country. We have been fighting another war for economic power.

Empowerment is another revolution.

Now that I am retired I will no longer be a general but a farmer.

Go to most neighbouring countries. The structure does not reflect land for the individual, the total land belongs to the state.

But come to Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe land has had individual ownership.

But you people are fighting for land, what are you talking about? Because they already have the land.

The vow that I took during the liberation struggle says that, if I die, I would have died for my country. I have said that my life, if I die, I die for the people of Zimbabwe. I have said I belong to the nation and country.

Labels: INDEPENDENCE, NEOCOLONIALISM

posted by MrK @ 8:46 PM