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(TALKZIMBABWE) Education: the biggest sanctions buster

Education: the biggest sanctions buster
By: Nancy Nyamhunga
Posted: Tuesday, August 31, 2010 2:56 am

SOMETIMES we spend too much of our time dwelling on negatives, weaknesses and setbacks to such an extent that we fail to notice, let alone take time to celebrate, our achievements.

The importance of celebrating our successes and victories is that it boosts our morale, motivates us and inspires those around us to do the same. Success is a sign that our hard work is paying off and we are making progress.

As ZImbabweans we have been too critical on our national leaders without appreciating how some of their policies have changed our lives and, by extension, saved our country from becoming another statistic -- one of several “independent” developing countries that only serve western puppet governments.

Just recently, the United Nations had to remind us that Zimbabwe had the highest literacy rate in Africa -- at a time when the country is under an illegal economic embargo from western countries.

None of us had taken notice. We were busy complaining about what was wrong.

It is not only this official acknowledgement by the world that should excite us, but the fact that the huge investment in education by the first independent Zimbabwean government has already started to bear fruit, as can be evidenced by the fierce resistance put up by liberated Zimbabwean souls to defend the economic independence of their country.

All known formulae that have been used elsewhere by imperialists to force a change in government in developing countries have so far failed to work in Zimbabwe, leaving a wearied, frustrated “donor” community asking the question: “Why is it that despite all conditions favourable to mass uprising existing in Zimbabwe, Zimbabweans have not taken to the streets to make the country ungovernable?”.

This frustration is understandable.

The regime change machinery had invested heavily in propaganda, taking along with it some of our young and finest journalists, our brightest lawyers to defend their cause, our trade unionists to dismantle the workers' rights, our business gurus to sabotage our economy; but still failed to win the hearts and minds of the Zimbabwean people.

Poisonous propaganda was and is still being spread; through NGOs, churches, student organisations, etc.

Luckily, the timely intervention of wise Zimbabwean and Southern African leaders led by the former South African President, Thabo Mbeki, managed to contain what would have otherwise been an untenable situation.

As part of the “soft power” strategy, economic sanctions were imposed on Zimbabwe with the aim of converting the middle working class anger triggered by the resultant loss of jobs, to political power which would then force them to go on mass demonstrations and make the country ungovernable.

The failed “winter of discontent”, “final push” and other strategies were supposed to be a result of these synchronised actions and events.

But the problem the strategists encountered is that they did not know, or chose to ignore, the fact that Zimbabwe is unique and its citizenry is a rare African breed blessed with an immense spirit of resilience and innovativeness. Zimbabweans believe that if one door closes, a better one will open somewhere.

The first black government in independent Zimbabwe empowered its citizenry through education.

A record number of schools and teachers' colleges were built across the country in the first decade of independence, and most people proceeded to higher education or went into gainful employment.

So when this middle class was exposed to the threat of joblessness, they simply migrated to other countries where their skills were sought, rather than engage in regime change uprising as expected by the west and its agents back home

As part of Zimbabwean culture (ubuntu, hunhu), we look after our extended family members. So the remittances (in foreign currency) that were sent home to cushion our families and relatives against the harsh economic environment became critical in sustaining the national economy, thereby rendering sanctions less effective. A well executed 'coup' against sanctions, if you ask me!

Even those who stayed at home knew there was nothing to be gained by staging a mass uprising because the majority can read and write and therefore able to critique some of the propaganda spewed by these agents.

For instance, Zimbabweans across the political divide agree that land reform is necessary although they debate about how it should be done.

A significant number of Zimbabweans has gone into farming and are already beginning to appreciate the meaning of land reform as they begin to reap the financial rewards.

Some were forced to become entrepreneurs when companies colluded with foreign governments to shut down and make the "economy scream". They have since awoken to the fact that ownership of the means of production is where real wealth lies.

The recently introduced Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act is complementing a revolution that was already happening.

Economic independence safeguards national security.

The artificial food shortages experienced in Zimbabwe in recent years were part of a well co-ordinated economic sabotage that was orchestrated by people who did not feel connected to the native people and therefore could not share the pain that came with it.

Surely a patriotic Khumalo oR Moyondizvo cannot withhold maize somewhere in anticipation of political change and knowing that the whole village is perishing with hunger.

Another setback suffered by the regime change project managers is that most Zimbabwean diasporans are well educated beyond basic education. Their stay in western countries gave them the opportunity to scrutinise how these western systems treat Africans and other ethnic minorities (in terms of human rights and equal opportunities).

For example, diasporans make comparisons between the US system designed to condemn black men to prisons rather than to college. They, therefore, question that country's sincerity towards human rights in Zimbabwe.

Likewise, the UK can no longer claim a moral obligation on human rights for those Zimbabweans in ZImbabwe, when its immigration holding centres are notorious for ill-treating Zimbabweans in their care by labelling them “failed asylum seekers”, a derogatory term that automatically criminalises them.

This hypocrisy caused many Zimbabweans to distrust the western politicians and many Zimbabweans chose to quietly pursue their careers than try to effect regime change at home.

This was a victory for Zimbabwe because the propaganda machinery, having unleashed its weapons of mass deception to portray the western world as holier than thou, failed to alter the minds of the diasporans.

A significant number of Zimbabweans in professional employment abroad have also been investing in different projects back home.

Even the misguided talk of military intervention in Zimbabwe that was once mulled by the New Labour government would have faced fierce resistance on its doorstep, for Zimbabweans across the political divide close ranks on that issue.

Ideologically, most Zimbabwean diasporans are what Professor Jonathan Moyo called “Zanu PF at heart”, except that most are not aware of, or choose to run away from, that fact for convenience's sake.

Many Zimbabweans are shining in various sectors in the diaspora, with some holding senior managerial posts in blue chip companies, are senior lecturers in decent universities, or are lawyers running their own practices.

The UK and US health sectors are also filled with Zimbabweans. You walk into a ward and find at least a Zimbabwean nurse in there.

The only Zimbabweans one is likely to come across here in the UK not in training or gainful employment are those who are restricted by immigration laws or other natural factors.

Such is the indisputable success story of Zimbabwe's educational policy.

Perhaps one could argue that despite that education and their personal career successes, diasporans have not done enough for the national agenda, for example in calling for the removal of sanctions.

One could blame the education system which presented the world from a western (or Caucasian) point of view, rather than from an African point of view.

It is well known in the diaspora that most black people who are afforded senior decision-making roles go on to become instruments of oppression against their own people on behalf of the establishments they serve.

Despite the setbacks Zimbabwe has encountered in pursuit of economic independence, in the very near future we will be celebrating the success story of the land reform policy and Indigenization and Economic Empowerment Act which will undoubtedly bring real change and social justice and will lead to permanent good race relations within our community.

“By the time a man realizes that maybe his father was right, he usually has a son who thinks he’s wrong” -- Charles Wadsworth.

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*Nancy Nyamhunga writes from Leicester, United Kingdom.

Labels: EDUCATION, NANCY NYAMHUNGA

posted by MrK @ 5:23 AM