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(ZIMPAPERS) REASON WAFAWAROVA: The politics of singular identity

REASON WAFAWAROVA: The politics of singular identity
Thursday, 06 October 2011 00:00
Reason Wafawarova

In his book "Liberty in the Age of Terror" AC Grayling argues that generally, the fewer identities people acknowledge themselves as having, the less free they are. He gives as a classical example the issue of religious identity, arguing that the more individuals identify with their religion, and submit themselves to the way of life, relationships and routines it prescribes, the less individual, free and open they are.

An individual wearing some form of religious attire presents an overriding singular identity to those that see him, sometimes demanding to be treated by others chiefly if not exclusively in terms of it. It is like the revered career politician wearing the know it all look that demands from all others to be treated chiefly as an untouchable Chef, to borrow from the Communist lingo.

We can forget the questionable fact that such people try to dictate to others how those others ought to treat them, focusing on the more disturbing reality that these people lay claim to a manufactured value that they expect others to automatically accord them.

The treatment we give to others must of course start on the basis of mutual respect, as invited by common humanity. Thereafter we base our treatment of others as determined by the worth of those others as human individuals, meaning they ought to earn our respect.

It is important for political activists in Zimbabwe to know that the identity of Zimbabwean individuals is far wider than buying a membership card to a political party.

Beyond this symbolic act of belonging to a political organisation an individual can be a mother, a father, a professional, a sports person, a writer, a good friend, a daughter, a son - variously rolled into one. Such an individual has interests, experience and insights so valuable to others in so many ways.

It is this diversity of identities that make it easier to fulfil human potential, something denied by imprisonment in a single overriding identity, regardless of whether this imprisonment is imposed or chosen.

Intolerance, extremism, fascism, racism, political violence and religious fanaticism are all a result of the politics of singular identity. For Zimbabweans the Zanu-PF and MDC labels are so monolithic and narrow that they sometimes even override the collective identity of Zimbabweanhood, making so many people fail to see the value of diversity as they seek to fanatically defend entrenched political positions even to the point of absolute irrationality.

We will die for Zanu-PF or we will die for the MDC such would fanatically quip, if they are not saying they will kill for their parties. This writer resides in the West and is confronted daily by monolithic critics who accuse him of failure to behave like a Westerner, or at least to appreciate the goodness of Western life by not criticising imperialism, itself seen as the strength behind Western economies.

For criticising Western policies, this writer is often accused of living by limited self-chosen identities - preferring to partake of the West's wealth but failing to accept its imperial vision of what makes for the good that the West is seen to be. The logic says one is a hypocrite if they attack imperialism while earning imperialistic dollars. In a way the logic sounds perfectly reasonable, that is before one realises that it makes perfect sense to fight imperialism from where it originates.

This writer believes multiculturalism and respect for individual liberties must include the room for divergent views even on what the West views as its core values, even its critical interests.

The West cannot deny that its values and culture has immensely contributed to present day discontent in the world, through which humanity has been divided within itself, mainly through chosen differences of ideology, religion, politics, and economic self-interests; not that these are wholly separate aspects.

Race and ethnicity do play a part too, regardless that they are no matters of choice. Each time race and ethnicity become a source of division between people the schism is exacerbated by political and sometimes religious differences. We have politicians in Zimbabwe who cover up for their lack of political clout by waving the ethnicity card to try and ramp up emotions among unsuspecting people who for many reasons may be living under the singular identity of belonging to a particular tribe or even totem. Before the European colonial settlers came to Zimbabwe, the Nguni ethnic group settled in parts of Zimbabwe through conquest in many of the cases.

There are some descendants of those who were victims of the Nguni conquest wars who today want to masquerade as the custodians of all Shona memory when they want to play the politics of entitlement or retribution. Equally there are those of Nguni descent who today want to hold the whole country to ransom by ever claiming that the numerically superior Shonas are marginalising them, and that the mid-eighties government-rebel conflict was a collective Shona onslaught on the Ndebele people. It appears that the saddest parts of this conflict are always remembered better at political rallies than they are remembered in the hearts of those who were directly affected by the dreadful events of the conflict.

The truth of the matter is that the Shona and Ndebele are not two contrasting values at all; neither are they two separate identities. Two languages yes, but beyond that there is irreversible mixture and even oneness.

That is precisely why the late Vice President Joshua Nkomo was called Father Zimbabwe. He was not a singular identity person but a true nationalist. Those seeking to pursue separatism in the name of ethnicity are simply victims of the politics of singular identity and they live under the imprisonment of a single overriding identity.

The biggest problem of debates of this nature is that they engage only those who can read and think, and are unlikely to penetrate to the constituencies of ignorance and anger where their lessons are badly needed.

The political goons engaging continually in political violence from across the political divide are most unlikely to read this piece, and if they tried, they are unlikely to comprehend it anyway.

The same goes for the emotive ethnic fanatics masquerading as custodians of ethnic cultures they hardly know anything about. Sadly a significant chunk of our politicians hails from the community of ignorance and anger, and we elected them to be nothing but ignorant and angry in Parliament. Nobel laureate Amartya Sen noted that there is far more wrong with the simplistic division into two identities, adding that describing others, or thinking of oneself in terms of "a choiceless singularity of human identity" is the mistake and the danger which not only diminishes individuals, but fuels the flames of conflict between them. The point is very clear here. A person is not one thing, a Shona or a Ndebele only, a Zimbabwean or a South African only - but many things: a parent, a teacher, a woman, a man, a Christian, a Muslim, a member of a political party, a husband, a wife, and thus a multiple and overlapping complex being whom the politics of singular identity can reduce to a mere political party member, a Christian, or squashing many people to the narrow identity of being a Ndebele or a Shona, even limiting some to mere totem identity.

The tendency to overlook the many identities a human being has in favour of a single identity is the favourite strategy of power politicians. In the West the power politician tries hard to limit the identity of the Westerner to that civilised and envied individual, always targeted by terror-possessed barbarians from the Arab world or some other so chosen a place.

In Africa, the African is limited by the power politician to the identity of the traditionally exploited and oppressed, always threatened by monsters from powerful foreign countries, never really capable of asserting himself, let alone sustaining or developing himself.

But do we not have the identity of victors too as Africans? Did we not collapse colonial empires all by our own determination and resolve? Are we not capable of defending ourselves and asserting ourselves in this global world?

The tendency to overlook many identities is animating more and more dangerous divisions as attitudes harden between feuding parties. This is precisely why Zimbabwe has a polarised political set up. Reason Wafawarova cannot walk the streets of Harare with Nelson Chamisa his homeboy without risking the questioning of the politician's sincerity by the supporters of his political party, or the questioning of Wafawarova's patriotism by those who identify with him on the side of Zimbabwe's revolutionary history.

But surely there is a lot more to Wafawarova the writer and to Chamisa the politician. This is not an attack on the movements whose followers adopt the identity that the movements offer. Rather this is an expansion of that sense of belonging, a removal of the imprisonment brought about by the politics of singular identity.
When this writer happened to sit next to Minister Jameson Timba on one of the July 2010 nights at a club frequented by Zimbabwean journalists, he cherished so much the idea of such close proximity to a man coming from the corridors of power.

Professor Lovemore Madhuku and Minister Patrick Chinamasa were presenting their papers on the Constitution making process that night.

This writer's joy was short lived as the Minister suddenly burst into harsh whispers of abrasive insults, telling this writer how much he hated this writer's column in The Herald, how much he hated the writer of that column and his person, how much he hated President Mugabe for "hiring fools like you," and so on and so on, including threats of the "coming day of justice at The Hague".

This writer could see that the Honourable Minister was holding a beer and was also chain smoking, but it was now confusing to tell if the man was acting under the influence of alcohol or that of plain insanity.

The unhappy truth is that the actors most responsible for insisting on singular identities in Zimbabwe are the politicians, and it is sad that the politics they peddle are the main cause of polarity, intolerance and political violence. In our many and diverse identities we are freer people, happier people, and we will realise our potential a lot more. Zimbabweans should not and cannot be reduced to monolithic blocs of mere political party supporters at the disposal of power-mongering politicians. Zimbabwe we are one and together we will overcome. It is homeland or death!

* Reason Wafawarova is a political writer based in Australia.

Labels: MDC TRIBALISM, REASON WAFAWAROVA

posted by MrK @ 4:38 PM