Zim to take part in African agric talks
Friday, 22 July 2011 02:00
Business Reporter
ZIMBABWE is among the countries that will participate at the Africa-Agriculture Investment and Product Innovation Conference to be held in South Africa. Africa-Agriculture, one of the leading agricultural research and communications firm on the continent has announced that major agricultural funds, African ministries of agriculture, development partners and project promoters are some of the players that are expected at the conference.
The conference will see delegates thrashing out issues around public and private partnerships (PPPs) and the role of business in addressing food security in sub-Saharan Africa.
According to the organisers, major officials and senior level decision-makers from in and around the continent have confirmed their participation at the Africa Agriculture Investment and Product Innovation Conference.
Some of these include Agra, the Southern African German Chamber of Commerce, the South African and Angolan Chamber of Commerce, ZFC Zimbabwe, Karuturi Ltd and the Agricultural Finance Corporation among others.
Africa-Agriculture executive director Mr Talent Moyo, said his organisation was delighted once more again to host public and private sector leaders in a bid to advance strategic partnerships seeking to boost growth and improve the agricultural investment climate.
South African Minister of Agriculture Tina Joemat-Pettersson and her African counterparts will host the Ministerial Roundtable at which strategies in driving growth and increase agricultural investment competitiveness in Africa will be discussed.
There will also be other sessions on agricultural regional integration, partnerships, commodities, and product innovation.
Africa-Agriculture sponsorship manager Mr Calvin Ncube said the event will also host exhibitions, which will profile some of Africa's key players which seek to boost investments playing a major role in economic development and improving rural agriculture.
The forum will discuss initiatives on mobilising private sector investments into agriculture.
Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation chairman Mr Bill Gates recently challenged developed countries and donors to unite in a bid to accelerate job creation and poverty reduction through sustainable investments in
African agriculture, while expanding agricultural production and improving food security.
He urged investment in African agricultural programmes, particularly those designed to boost the viability of subsistence farming in the world's less privileged nations.
Labels: AGRICULTURE, ZIMBABWE
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Zim’s natural resources belong to Zimbabweans — Speaker
Saturday, 23 July 2011 02:00
The Speaker of Parliament Mr Lovemore Moyo and Clerk of Parliament Mr Austin Zvoma recently toured the United States of America to get an appreciation of how the US Congress and Senate conduct business in terms of structure and administration. Our US correspondent Obi Egbuna (OE) caught up with Mr Moyo (LM) on this and more.
OE: Mr Speaker, let me begin by thanking you for granting me the opportunity to have this interview. Can you please give an overview of the aims and objectives of this trip?
LM: Thank you. First and foremost last year I, on behalf of Zimbabwe's Parliament, established a memorandum of understanding with the President of the National Democratic Institute Mr Kenneth Wollack for the purpose of engaging one of the most influential groupings in the US Political Think Tank Sector.
I also wanted to come and appreciate the Legistative Processes in Washington in connection with how the US Congress and Senate manouevre and conduct their daily activity.
The main point of concentration is on the structure and administrative bodies. It was for this reason that I led this delegation and felt it was also of paramount importance that Mr Austin Zvoma our Clerk of Parliament accompanied me.
OE: In June 2009 during a photo opportunity in the White House, the US President Barack Obama stated to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai that at no point during the existence of Zimbabwe's Inclusive Government would his administration directly finance any of the ministries controlled by any of the three political parties that make up the Inclusive Government. What they would do instead was to send financial assistance through NGOs.
However, in September of 2009 while he was chairing the US Senate Sub Committee on Africa Senator Russell Feingold, together with the US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Ambassador Johnnie Carson stated a decision had been reached that the US government would indeed finance the Office of Prime Minister Tsvangirai.
How do you feel about these overtures, which can be perceived as attempts to manipulate the political differences between the three political parties that make up the GPA/Inclusive Government present a problem?
LM: If there are contradictions concerning US Foreign Policy in terms of the pronouncement either by the President or his subordinates, I may not be in a position to adequately respond to that. However, after I had an engagement with the US Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Ambassador Charles Ray just last month in Harare, I was informed it was US policy not to fund any political party.
They will fund any democratic process or activity that has been embarked on by civic society as you correctly stated that President Obama voiced those exact sentiments. That is exactly what I was told. That is their exact policy of engagement not only with Zimbabwe but other African countries as well.
Therefore if anything contrary to that has taken place in particular in relationship to the funding of the Prime Minster's office, I have not been fully briefed and am not in the picture in terms of the specific amount of funding or targeted areas of funding pertaining to this matter.
OE: How does the rising tide of Zimbabweans on the ground at the grass root level concerning indigenisation and the lifting of US-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe affect the political roadmap, the constitution being crafted as we speak and the political direction moving into the future?
LM: I think first and foremost it must be understood that the natural resources of Zimbabwe are for the country and people of Zimbabwe.
That point is fundamental, therefore is must be respected because it is non-negotiable, what then happens with those natural resources specifically in terms extraction and exploitation of those minerals is another level of terms of looking at the capacity of the country itself.
When it comes to extracting the resources themselves for the benefit of the entire nation and whether individuals amongst the indigenous can sufficiently extract resources for the collective benefit and empowerment of the country.
In the absence of that certainly there's nothing with any investment policy where once again those facilitators coming in embark on programmes for the benefit of the country and people first. But we must strongly emphasise to them that because the resources belong to Zimbabwe, Zimbabweans must be the main beneficiaries.
How that is linked to the attitude as it pertains to US-EU sanctions and other restrictive measures against Zimbabwe, the difficulty is that is a foreign policy issue.
This means it is a US problem to find ways how do they deal with the GPA/Inclusive Government and Sadc who stand on one accord concerning this matter. There is a mechanism in the Sadc where the Heads of
State as guarantors of the GPA/inclusive government have made this a priority.
We also have an internal mechanism in the GPA where we have a committee that goes with the US and EU in relationship to this matter. Because it is foreign policy it is hard for Zimbabweans to tell anyone when the policy will end, we just will continue to intensify the dialogue with that aim in mind.
OE: Through the process of engagement with the US-EU alliance, how has this impacted on Zimbabwe's strategic approach to defending its sovereignty?
LM: I think there is no debate on the sovereignty of our nation, we all agree each nation must guard against any attempt on its own sovereignty, I am quite confident this is understood by Zimbabweans across the board.
While I say that when it comes to the multi-national forces and the countries we have been discussing it becomes an issue for further engagement.
These issues will only be completely resolved through dialogue between Zimbabweans and those who have voiced criticism and reservation concerning resolving these issues.
In my view we have many outstanding issues as part of the Global Political Agreement, this is why Sadc has pronounced these issues through South Africa's President Jacob Zuma, who have insisted that all three political parties that make up the GPA/Inclusive Government rapidly resolve these issues.
The issues include the security sector reform, media reform. We as Zimbabweans must implement what we can control and continue to engage forces on the matters we do not control.
I believe this is the way forward, this way we can take off what is in our power so the world can see when it is external forces that stand in the way of Zimbabwe's progress because we have done our part.
OE: What in your opinion in the role of Zimbabweans and Africans in the diaspora at the grassroots level in the fight to lift US-EU sanctions and supporting the indigenisation efforts on the ground in Zimbabwe?
LM: The Zimbabweans and Africans in the diaspora must understand the US-EU sanctions and the manner in which they have been imposed, this way they will be in the best position to oppose these measures.
What I am seeing is a degree of difficulty amongst Zimbabweans and our friends in fully understanding the sanctions and the challenges they present.
I have travelled to Europe and the US and am convinced if our citizenry take up this fight when the forces who have kept the sanctions in place ask them to respond to specific concerns as it relates to this policy it hurts this cause.
I met the US Secretary for African Affairs Johnnie Carson and he stressed free and fair elections, allowing all political parties the latitude to campaign freely and all outside observers to come.
I stress we encourage Zimbabweans and Africans outside the country to voice their concerns and optimistically speaking I hope the result is one mobilised and united voice.
There is no substitution to dialogue because at this moment they don't see this matter from that unifed point of view.
I cannot and will not make specific pronouncements pertaining to the sanctions but encourage more intense dialogue amongst Zimbabweans and Africans pertaining not just to the sanctions but all matters aimed at helping Zimbabwe improve both in the short term and long term.
OE: Thank you for your time and have a safe trip home
LM: Thanks once again and it was good to be interviewed by a Herald Correspondent in the US.
Labels: LOVEMORE MOYO, MINING
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Govt releases US$6m for maize farmers
Friday, 22 July 2011 02:00
By Elita Chikwati
Government has released US$6,4 million to the Grain Marketing Board to pay farmers for maize deliveries made between April and June. GMB general manager, Mr Albert Mandizha, on Tuesday confirmed that Treasury had released US$6,4 million to cover 25 000 tonnes.
However, the parastatal requires an additional US$12,6million to pay for 44 000 tonnes. "An additional funding for deliveries made from 30th June to date is now required. We have since communicated this to the responsible authorities," he said.
Mr Mandizha said there has been an improvement in grain deliveries to the GMB depots in the past few weeks.
"A total of 20 611 tonnes was received in seven days during the week ending 14 July 2011.
"The cumulative delivery of grain to GMB depots currently stands at 69 592 tonnes, which is a massive improvement from last year's 46 244 tonnes during the same period," he said. This is a 50,5 percent increase in comparison to the same period last year.
Mr Mandizha said the strategic grain reserve stood at 65 percent as at July 14 this year. GMB is also offering farmers subsidised inputs for their grain.
Farmers have an option to swap their grains with inputs such as maize and seed available at some of the depots.
"This will ensure that farmers are ready for the next farming season on time, which will in turn position them for high yields," he said.
However, according to some GMB officials inputs for the swap programme were limited and were only available at selected GMB depots.
The inputs for the swap programme include fertilisers that were left from the winter wheat inputs scheme and cost US$15 per 50kg bag.
The parastatal encouraged farmers to continue delivering their maize with the accepted quality standard to GMB depots. Depots are under strict instructions not to accept maize that does not meet standards in terms of quality and moisture levels.
The acceptable moisture content is 12,5 percent or less.
GMB, which used to charge farmers US$5 for moisture content testing recently acquired new moisture metres and is now carrying out the operation for free.
GMB is on record failing to pay farmers timeously despite being among buyers offering high producer prices.
In most cases farmers end up selling their grain to other buyers who take advantage of the situation and offer them low prices.
GMB is buying maize at US$285 per tonne, while most private buyers are offering US$200 and below per tonne.
Farmers have from time to time called for the re-capitalisation of the GMB so that it will be able to buy grain and pay instantly.
On the other hand, some organisations are also lobbying Government to introduce duty on imported agricultural produce to cushion local farmers from competition with imported food, which is usually cheap.
GMB was established to ensure a strategic grain reserve and ensure food security in Zimbabwe with particular reference to maize and wheat.
Labels: GRAIN MARKETING BOARD ZIMBABWE, MAIZE
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MMD, abuse of public office
By Concerned citizen
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
Editor,
It is clear that the removal of the abuse of office clause from the Anti Corruption Act was a premeditated and MMD-orchestrated strategy ahead of this year’s polls.
Even a person like myself who is in a rural area cannot fail to notice that President Rupiah Banda is abusing his office by allowing government ministers to campaign for the MMD using public resources.
Therefore, the removal of that piece of legislation was done with aforethought of engaging in corruption prior to the general elections. But the removal of the abuse of office legislation is a very temporal measure because it was done in bad faith and can only stand the test of time if we re-elect a government that has no regard for democratic tenets such as transparency, accountability, and equality before the law.
Whether we like it or not, MMD is not abiding by the principles of democracy which demand a level playing field during elections. Coincidentally, the Electoral Commission of Zambia has decided to remain silent over this issue.
Labels: CORRUPTION, MMD
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Politics and principles
By The Post
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
There is need for politics that are rooted in a straightforward view of society, in the understanding that the individual does best in a strong and decent community of people with principles and standards and common aims and values.
And Christopher Kang’ombe is very right when he says that lack of values in Zambia’s politics has led to bad governance practices. It seems now politicians are ready to do anything just to stay in power, to be elected or re-elected. There are no standards, there are no principles, there are no values.
Everything goes. Well, it is said that “those who stand for nothing fall for anything”. There is no choice between being principled and unelectable; and electable and unprincipled. One should win because of what they believe. Yes, people should be pragmatic and adapt to the changing environment. This is perfectly in order. And change is an important part of life. Those who don’t change die. If the world changes, and we don’t, then we become of no use to the world. Our principles cease being principles and just ossify into dogma. But we shouldn’t change to forget our principles. We should change to fulfill them. And we shouldn’t change to lose our identity but to keep our relevance. In politics, change is an important part of gaining the people’s trust.
This nation was founded by Dr Kenneth Kaunda and his colleagues on very strong principles, on very high levels of honesty, integrity, patriotism and love for our fellow citizens. All that has changed.
Today, this is a nation of vultures. It is each man for himself; no one is his brother’s keeper. There is need for change. There is need for us to go back to the founding principles of our nation and once again show our people that politics is not some byzantine game but a real and meaningful part of their lives. There is need to show our people that politics is not a dirty game but a genuine way of being at the service of others for the integral development of the country. And for this reason, politics needs people with credibility whose presence in the political arena can bring good values to the political process. Therefore, our participation in political life should be guided by good values of respect for human dignity, human rights, common good, social justice, solidarity, integral development, concern for the poor and non-violence in resolving conflicts.
Some people find it strange to talk of “honest politics” since politics is mostly perceived as a “dirty game” because of opportunistic and incompetent politicians. Such politicians disrespect the dignity, rights and freedoms of persons. This does not make politics a “dirty game”, fit only for thieves, crooks, scoundrels, jackals and so on and so forth! But politics should be honest and responsible because it is an effective way of serving others and working for the integral development of one’s country. Politics must be exercised or practiced within the limits of the moral order.
The founding fathers of our nation based their politics on morality, honesty, integrity, patriotism and love. To borrow from Vaclav Havel, we would say “Let us try in a new time and in a new way to restore this concept of politics. Let us teach ourselves and others that politics should be an expression of a desire to contribute to the happiness of the community rather than of a need to cheat or rape the community. Let us teach ourselves and others that politics can be not only the art of the possible, especially if this means the art of speculation, calculation, intrigue, secret deals and pragmatic manoeuvering, but it can even be the art of the impossible, namely, the art of improving ourselves and the world”.
We must work unceasingly to lift this nation to a higher destiny, to a new plateau of morality, integrity and honesty in public life. Let us not accept low standards in our politics. Everyone has a role to play in creating the type of Zambia we want to live in. And everyone can benefit, everyone has responsibility, everyone has rights. Let us not wait for a messiah to one day appear and redeem our country. As Nelson Mandela says, “no single individual can assume the role of a messiah”. We do not need to wait for some stroke of good fortune, some benign giant, some socially conscious Samson to come along and pick up the wretched of the earth. A good society will not come by itself. We have to work for it. We have to struggle for it. In a word, we have to create it. We must do it together. We cannot buy our way into a good society. We must work for it together; we must plan for it together. This can only be done together. It is said that leaders lead, but in the end, the people govern. Our daily deeds as citizens of this country must produce an actual Zambian reality that will reinforce our belief in justice, strengthen our confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all. We shouldn’t allow the resources of this country to benefit just a few.
Again, to borrow from Havel, we would say “our country is not flourishing. The enormous creative and spiritual potential of our nation is not being used sensibly…But this is still not the main problem. The worst thing is that we live in a contaminated moral environment. We fail morally ill because we became used to saying something different from what we thought. We learned not to believe in anything, to ignore each other, to care only about ourselves…We had all become used to the totalitarian system and accepted it as an unchangeable fact and thus helped to perpetuate it. In other words, we are all – though naturally to differing extents – responsible for the operation of the totalitarian machinery; none of us is just its victim: we are also its co-creators”.
It is said that democracy is more than the sum of its institutions. Truly, a healthy democracy depends in large part on the development of a democratic civic culture. Culture in this sense refers to the behaviours, practices and norms that define the ability of a people to govern themselves. In the end, we get the government we deserve.
Labels: CHRISTOPHER KANG'OMBE
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Sata seeks review of road contracts
By George Chellah
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
MICHAEL Sata has demanded an urgent review of road contracts and warned that President Rupiah Banda and Ben Mwila will account for the failed Mumbwa-Landless corner road project.
And Sata has written to President Banda stating that the deliberate failure to dissolve Parliament has led to illegal or unconstitutional expenditures by the Vice-President, ministers and deputy ministers. In an interview yesterday, Sata said PF would not tolerate the flouting of regulations and obvious corruption that was currently obtaining in road developments.
“For instance, the Mumbwa-Landless corner road project which was awarded to Wade Adams, a laboratory testing company belonging to BY Mwila who seems to have failed to perform,” Sata said.
“BY has failed whilst Chico, a company which was given the adjacent project has made significant progress on their section and are likely to finish the project ahead of schedule, that is if they haven’t even finished already. This is why PF is demanding that the Auditor General moves in at the Road Development Agency (RDA) and urgently reviews the award of these road contracts in order to save the Zambian taxpayer billions of Kwacha, which are being misapplied in the road sector.”
Sata said President Banda and "his friends" would have to account for the money they were wasting to give each other political favours.
“We know what Rupiah is doing with B.Y on the Mumbwa-Landless corner road. Yes, the people in that area need a road, but should you give it to a political friend who is not able to do the job?” Sata asked.
“This project is worth several billions of Kwacha which cannot be thrown just like that. I know that even people like Lieutenant General Ronnie Shikapwasha will have a problem in his constituency because of that road and the way BY is handling it.”
Sata urged President Banda against cheating people over the so-called road development projects.
“This development, they are trying to cheat people with nothing but outright abuse of public resources for which Rupiah Banda will be held accountable,” Sata said.
“Even BY Mwila must keep his books very carefully because they will be checked. Any corruption will be met by the law. We know the connections in all these contracts and people will have to give an account. Zambian money is for Zambians and it should not be wasted on Rupiah’s political gymnastics.”
Sata said a similar situation had happened on the upgrading of the Pedicle Road.
“They are also cheating the people of Luapula on the Pedicle Road. They have brought their friends from Italy to build that road at K60 billion more than other bids,” Sata said.
“The K300 billion which their Italian friends want for that road is way too much. This government has decided to award this contract despite recommendations from senior RDA officials who advised that the contract should not be awarded for fear of non-performance by this same Italian company.”
And Sata has written to President Banda over the dissolution of Parliament.
“Article 88(6) of the Constitution of Zambia states: ‘The National Assembly may be dissolved by the President at any time.’ Article 88(7) of the same Constitution states: ‘Whenever the National Assembly is dissolved under this Article, there shall be Presidential elections and elections to the National Assembly and the first session of the new Parliament shall commence within three months from the date of the dissolution,’” read the except from Sata’s letter to President Banda dated July 20, 2011.
He stated that the two sections of Article 88 were completely separate and there was no provision anywhere in the constitution, which stated that the dissolution of Parliament and the fixing of the dates for elections must be done on the same day.
Sata stated that the usual logical and economical practice in most democratic countries was to announce the dissolution of Parliament shortly after the House adjourns sine die.
“When this action has been taken, the Vice-President, ministers, deputy ministers and ordinary members of parliament stop carrying out their duties. In this way, the country saves millions of Kwacha from expenses on salaries, allowances, travel expenses from all the persons referred to herein,” Sata stated.
“The deliberate failure to dissolve Parliament has led to illegal or unconstitutional expenditures by the Vice-President, ministers and deputy ministers on travels to all parts of the country under the cover of ‘official duties’ when everybody has seen and read about them on political campaigns.”
Sata stated that some ordinary members of parliament had been summoned to conduct work connected to parliamentary duties.
“Some MPs have been heard taking part in workshops/seminars outside Zambia. All these are unconstitutional and undemocratic. Unfortunately, these are some of the actions which forment troubles for the country,” Sata stated.
“In the event of a change in government, those responsible for these actions must be ready for actions against them for these unconstitutional actions. The travels to parts of the country by the Vice-President, ministers and deputy ministers for purely party campaigns are clear cases of plunder of public funds which are punishable under Zambian laws.”
Sata stated that the term of office for the current government would expire on October 2, 2011 as per provision of article 88(2).
“Since Parliament was not dissolved by 1st July, 2011, whatever date on which the current Parliament will now be dissolved, the three months will not apply as per the same article 88(7). This, therefore, means that the period of campaigns will be shortened to comply with the three months. This is another case of acting undemocratic,” Sata stated.
“Article 88(6)(b) states ‘the National Assembly may, by a two-third majority of the numbers thereof, dissolve itself’ Under the current membership of the National Assembly, the entire opposition cannot successfully pass a motion to dissolve the National Assembly because they will not get the two-thirds majority. If by any chance they managed to get the two thirds, this move can only be embarked upon during the life of the current parliament. After 2nd October, 2011 there will be no legitimate parliament if elections are not held by that date.”
He warned that all those involved in plundering state funds under the cover of inspecting government work would have to refund the public resources that have been expended.
Labels: ANNA CHIFUNGULA, ATTORNEY GENERAL, INFRASTRUCTURE, MICHAEL SATA, RDA, ROADS
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Luapula is ready to teach Rupiah a lesson - Sakeni
By Patson Chilemba
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
THE people of Luapula are ready to teach Rupiah Banda and the MMD an unforgettable lesson in this year’s general elections, says Kennedy Sakeni. And Sakeni wondered why the majority of Luapula PF ‘rebel’ members of parliament have been rejected for adoption on the MMD ticket when they claimed that Luapula was a no-go area for PF.
In an interview, Sakeni, who is PF’s Luapula Province chairman, said facts on the ground in the province were that people were more than determined to change government.
“I think it’s time for Mr Rupiah Banda and his government to just say ‘we are leaving, we have failed our people’. And that is why the people of Luapula are saying they can’t be cheated and they are going to vote in large numbers against MMD,” Sakeni said.
“In Luapula we (PF) are more than ready to face them even if elections were held tomorrow. We will carry all the 14 constituencies. And we are challenging Mr Rupiah Banda to just announce the day. Why is he so scared? Why is he buying time? We are ready for him.”
Sakeni said while government leaders were busy visiting chiefs and giving them fat envelopes, the PF had assured the traditional leaders to just get the envelopes but apply ‘don’t kubeba’ (don’t tell) policy.
“They chiefs know the truth in their hearts that the people want change. So even to the chiefs mukwai ‘Don’t Kubeba’ is our policy and they appreciate as well. It is even immoral for them (government) to be parading our chiefs. If they were popular why not just call for elections?” Sakeni asked.
“They are actually embarrassing our traditional leaders, putting them before television cameras every now and then. At times they don’t even know these things are going to be published. They are innocently talking because even us as PF when we go there they tell us their feelings, but we can’t come to you the press to say ‘this is what they have told us’.”
He laughed off President Banda and MMD’s claims that they had achieved unprecedented levels of development when people were faced with acute poverty in the province.
“I don’t know which development government can talk home about when you look at the Congo Peddicle Road, Mansa-Luwingu road, Kashikishi-Lunchinda road; when you look at the potholes on Mansa-Kashikishi road, the potholes on Mansa-Chembe road, as for the feeder roads, you can’t even describe what status they are in,” Sakeni said.
“When you talk about the level of energy we receive, it is low voltage. There is no industry anybody can put up and depend on Zesco energy. There is not enough energy in the province. People’s electric appliances are getting damaged every day because of the low voltage and unexplained power outages.”
He said farmers were spending sleepless nights at depots because there was no one to buy their crops, and did not even know when the exercise would start.
He said school desks were lying idle at District Education Board Offices because they could not be distributed.
Sakeni cited the health sector in Luapula as being in shambles
“When you look at the development they are talking about, it is development in their own pockets. Most people, as chief Chisunka recently put it, are roaming the streets because of unemployment,” Sakeni said.
“So what type of development are they talking about and what is the interpretation of the so-called growth in our econo my if people can continue wallowing in poverty?”
And Sakeni said it was shameful that five, out of the eight PF rebel members of parliament in Luapula had been rejected to stand on the MMD ticket which was not as popular in Luapula.
“Even if MMD knows that they are going to lose all the seats, they would rather risk with their own members. As for Machungwa’s standing in Lusaka, it simply shows that the man has lost popularity in his own Luapula Constituency and Mr Rupiah has just got to sort of appease him by adopting him in Kabwata in Lusaka,” said Sakeni.
“He Rupiah Banda knows that he is just using him as a sacrificial lamb.”
Labels: KENNEDY SAKENI, LUAPULA PROVINCE, PF
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Pule sees landslide for PF in Luapula
By Ernest Chanda
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
DUNAMIS Church Pastor Dan Pule says there will be a landslide victory for the Patriotic Front (PF) in Luapula following the party’s increasing popularity. Giving an overview of the political situation after touring the province for 10 days, Pastor Pule said everyone, including traditional leaders, was resolved on voting for PF leader Michael Sata.
“I have been in Luapula in last 10 days and I can tell you that all the chiefs are saying a popular PF slogan ‘don’t kubeba’ because they have seen that their people are for president Sata. They don’t want to be left behind in this wind of change. In short what I’m saying is that Luapula is ready for elections,” said Pastor Pule on Wednesday.
“In terms of adoption of candidates the PF has a wonderful and vigorous process. And I want to commend the leadership for this great achievement because in the past, MMD critics were feasting on that aspect.
But this time around they have nowhere to hammer, in fact, the PF has conducted the most democratic adoption process. Apart from the central committee, I want also to commend the provincial chairman Mr Kennedy Sakeni who has organised the party in Luapula. There has been overwhelming response because for the 14 parliamentary seats available in the province there are 97 applicants. This is an indication of how popular the party is.”
Pastor Pule said there was an exciting atmosphere among the voters as everyone looked forward to changing the government this year.
Labels: DAN PULE, DEMOCRACY, LUAPULA PROVINCE, MICHAEL SATA, PF
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Machete-wielding MMD cadres try to disrupt PF rally
By Misheck Wangwe in Kasempa
Sat 23 July 2011, 14:00 CAT
MACHETE-wielding MMD cadres on Thursday attempted to disrupt a PF rally in Kasempa’s Nkenyauna area. The cadres, however, failed to disturb rally which was being addressed by party vice-president Dr Guy Scott, after the police came in to maintain peace.
The cadres, who arrived in two pick-ups, retreated upon noticing that they were outnumbered by the PF supporters. Dr Scott described the behavior of the MMD cadres as ridiculous. “This shows you how much Rupiah Banda and his people are panicking. They are desperate because they know PF is forming government,” he said.
And addressing a rally later at Kamakechi Basic School grounds, Dr Scott said it was time for the people of North-Western Province to join millions of Zambians who have resolved to change government because the MMD has betrayed them over the past 20 years it has been in power.
He said it was disheartening to see how Zambians in rural areas were suffering as if there was no government in place.
Dr Scott said North Western Province was endowed with abundant natural resources but the people in the area had not benefited anything because the MMD government was corrupt and did not care about the plight of the people.
He said the PF was ready to form government as its vision of empowering people in rural areas was clear.
Dr Scott said President Banda should not expect people to vote for the MMD when his government has failed to provide employment, especially those in rural areas.
“This province is not supposed to be underdeveloped as it is now. We have rich minerals here and investors are getting our resources but the people are not seeing the benefits of these mines. I urge you all to vote for the PF because this party would restore dignity in your lives. We will bring meaningful change in your lives,” Dr Scott said.
He said the PF would clean up the governance system in the country in order to provide the much needed job opportunities for the majority poor.
Dr Scott who earlier inspected the stockpiles of maize which have not yet been bought by the government through the Food Reserve Agency said the MMD had nothing to tell the people especially those in rural areas because it had even failed to buy their maize.
And Mandevu parliamentarian Jean Kapata said it was gratifying that the people of North-Western Province had joined the huge number of progressive Zambians that were pushing the agenda of change.
Kapata said the suffering that the people were going through would only come to an end if the MMD is removed from government.
Labels: 2011 ELECTIONS, GUY SCOTT, MMD, PF, POLITICAL VIOLENCE
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Ex-Lamba chief seeks PF adoption in Masaiti
By Abigail Chaponda and Fridah Nkonde in Ndola
Sat 23 July 2011, 13:59 CAT
IMMEDIATE past chief Chiwala of the Lamba people Kenneth Mpengula has applied to contest the Masaiti parliamentary seat in Ndola rural on the opposition PF ticket. Mpengula, who was chief Chiwala from 2002 to 2008, confirmed in an interview yesterday that he was standing on the PF ticket after he was interviewed at provincial level.
He said the wind of change was blowing in PF’s favour and that it was time that the MMD government gave room to another party like PF to rule.
“It is time that Zambia had a president and a government that is more people-sensitive unlike what is currently happening in the country,” he said.
Mpengula who is standing against his son-in-law Michael Katambo who has been adopted to stand on the MMD ticket, said he was confident that he was going to win the elections because Lambas wanted him to stand on the PF ticket.
He said Lambas had become more sensitive on what was happening in the country and that they no longer wanted to vote for MMD. Mpengule said PF was going to have more votes in this year’s elections because a lot of people had realised that MMD had nothing more to offer.
“The projects that MMD are talking about are micro; they are not talking about how to put food on the table for people. In my chiefdom, a lot of people have been living in poverty for more than 15 years and the MMD government is not doing anything about it. This is the more reason Lambas approached me and told me to stand on the PF ticket so that their lives can be improved,” he said.
Mpengula said he had stayed away from politics but after seeing that the MMD government was not doing enough for its people, he decided to come back on the political arena.
“Before late president Levy Mwanawasa died, he offered me a job in foreign service. I refused. MMD approached me to stand on the MMD ticket and I refused. The Lamba Elders’ Chief of Council called me and told me to stand on PF and I accepted because I knew that PF is going to win the elections this year,” he said.
Labels: PF
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Lack of values has led to bad governance practices, says Kang’ombe
By Mwila Chansa-Ntambi
Sat 23 July 2011, 13:59 CAT
LACK of values in Zambia’s political dispensation has led to bad governance practices, states Kitwe’s Riverside ward councillor Christopher Kang’ombe.
In a statement, Kang’ombe observed that one of the major reasons why Zambia had been lagging behind in terms of good governance was that most political players had not seen the importance of advancing values that promoted the very essence of being in leadership.
“Politics should essentially be about the people getting better representation but the opposite is happening in Zambia where a government minister can demand for close to K1 billion in gratuity for five years of voluntary service while ordinary retirees wait for many years frequenting NAPSA offices to get less than K100 million in benefits. This should tell you something about the quality of politics we have in Zambia,” Kang’ombe stated.
He cited respect for the views of the ordinary citizens, respect for the rule of law, avoidance of being corrupted by those seeking business favours from political leaders and the promotion of respect for human rights as some of the values that leaders ought to have.
Kang’ombe stated that it was unfortunate that most of the above mentioned values were lacking in the majority of individuals that had been given an opportunity to provide political leadership in Zambia for the past 20 years.
He added that parliamentarians and ministers alike had passed so many laws that they knew would not help ordinary citizens.
“While the main culprits are those in government, some opposition parliamentarians have also found themselves forgetting why they go to parliament and end up supporting the enactment of bad laws. How else can one explain the failure by the current government to intervene in the plight of the mine workers across Zambia where payment of poor salaries and abuse of workers is the order of the day?” he wondered.
Kang’ombe stated that it was public knowledge that Zambian workers in most sectors were getting ‘peanuts’ because there was too much intimidation from employers, thereby making workers fail to demand that which was rightfully due to them.
“The worse part of it all is the fact that those in political positions have been compromised by the same employers and this amounts to lacking values that are expected in leaders. Only recently there have been too many cases of workers being beaten up for latecoming and yet our government officials are quiet with no action being taken,” stated Kang’ombe.
Labels: CHRISTOPHER KANG'OMBE, MMD
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Ex-MMD candidate for Mufumbwe joins PF
By Patson Chilemba
Sat 23 July 2011, 13:59 CAT
Losing MMD parliamentary aspirant in Mufumbwe Constituency Gabriel Mukonde has resigned from the party to join the PF. In an interview yesterday, Mukonde said Stephen Masumba, who he said the MMD’s national executive committee (NEC) had “imposed” on the people of Mufumbwe would not win the elections.
“He has got no relationship with all the three chiefs. First of all, the boy is very cheeky. Rupiah Banda has disappointed all the three chiefs of Mufumbwe to give them Stephen Masumba who has got no respect for the elderly people,” said Mukonde. “He has no respect for the MMD district executive committee. Now, how are they going to campaign for him?”
Mukonde said he was confident that the PF would make inroads into North-Western Province this year because President Banda was generally losing support across the country.
And chief Chembe of Mkushi district said the MMD would lose in Mkushi North and Mkushi South because the candidates they had picked in the area were all Bembas and not Lalas.
He said in an interview yesterday that the Lala chiefs were upset over the non-adoption of their indigenous sons and daughters.
“The people they have chosen will cause the opposition to go through because they adopted candidates are not wanted by the people. In Mkushi North, the people want gender deputy minister and area member of parliament Lucy Changwe. We also want gender representation. A lady should be adopted in Mkushi North and a man in Mkushi South,” chief Chembe said.
Labels: MMD, PF
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Phone records: Biti fails in court bid
22/07/2011 00:00:00
by Staff Reporter
A HIGH Court judge on Friday ordered Econet Wireless to release Finance Minister Tendai Biti’s mobile phone records to detectives, but the MDC-T secretary general immediately appealed to the Supreme Court. Police obtained a warrant on July 5 granting them access to Biti’s phone records in connection with an ongoing corruption investigation.
The minister filed an urgent High Court application arguing that there was “no reasonable suspicion” that he had committed a crime. He wanted the High Court to reverse the magistrate’s warrant and also prevent Econet from releasing information relating to three numbers.
But Justice Chinembiri Bhunu ruled against the minister in a judgement made available on Friday, clearing the way for the CID Serious Fraud Squad to serve the warrant on Econet.
The minister's appeal, however, prevents Econet from releasing the records until the Supreme Court has ruled on the matter.
Biti's lawyer Innocent Chagonda said: "Justice Bhunu dismissed Biti's urgent application. Subsequent thereto, we received instructions from the minister to file an appeal with the Supreme Court.
“The appeal has been filed and served on all interested parties including the police and the Attorney General's office."
Police say they are investigating alleged criminal abuse of office by the minister over foreign trips made by Petronela Angeline Chishawa, an economist at the ministry who was reportedly paid per diem at “special rates” of up to US$400-a-day.
Chishawa is alleged to have travelled to several countries including China, Sudan and Tanzania in the six months between December last year and May this year. The trips added up to a cumulative three months, it is claimed.
State media reports that Chishawa, who is locked in a bitter divorce, has been romping with the married minister, which he denies.
Chishawa appeared in court on Monday last week on an unrelated charge of defrauding the ministry of over US$4,000 in a procurement deal.
Biti's lawyers say attempts to gain access to his phone records are part of a plot to find embarrassing details about his private life by President Robert Mugabe's loyalists in the security services.
“This is clear evidence that they want to harass me personally. I have been subjected to a lot of harassment over the past few weeks,” said Biti in an affidavit filed at the High Court last week.
Labels: TENDAI BITI
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Chaos persists at city school
Saturday, 23 July 2011 02:00
By Felex Share
CHAOS persisted at Cold Comfort Primary School in Harare yesterday as Herentals College defied a Government order to vacate the premises. Government on Thursday ordered Herentals College to leave the premises with immediate effect, saying the college did not have a licence to operate at the place. But, Herentals officials did not take heed. They reportedly hired more bouncers to block anyone from evicting them.
Cold Comfort School Development Association committee member Mr Simon Manjengwa said they reported the matter at Kuwadzana Police Station.
"After the Government order, we thought all was now well, but as usual they brought more bouncers to block anyone from interfering with their operations. We had to seek the services of police from Kuwadzana, but they came and left without doing anything," he said.
"The norm then continued with lessons being held concurrently. We don't know who is going to help us since Government is the highest authority."
When The Herald visited the school yesterday, Herentals College billboards were still intact and their furniture was still in the classrooms.
In granting the order, Education, Sport, Arts and Culture Minister David Coltart said investigations by the Government had established that Herentals College "cannot and should not operate at the site."
Minister Coltart said in terms of the Education Act 2006, as amended, individuals should not establish and maintain a school unless it is registered and anybody who contravenes this provision shall be guilty of an offence.
"My ministry's attention has been drawn to some disturbances, which took place at Cold Comfort School at the beginning of this 2nd term. Upon a visit and investigations by Government officials to the school, it was established that Herentals College does not have a licence to operate at this site.
"Herentals should therefore cease its operations there with immediate effect," he said.
Minister Coltart said a non-Government school should not be operated on any premises other than premises specified in the Certificate of Registration.
"In terms of the same Act (Education Act 2006), no person shall establish, operate or maintain an independent college unless such a college is registered in terms of this Act. It should be noted that such independent colleges may offer tuition only to students who have completed the prescribed period in primary education, or who have attained the age of 16 years, whichever is earlier," he said.
However, a Herentals College official who declined to be named yesterday said no communication had been received from the college management and they continued with lessons yesterday.
"Nothing has been communicated to us by management and as workers, we will continue with business as usual," he said.
Herentals College has been embroiled in an ownership wrangle with Release Power Investments, a local company that runs Cold Comfort Primary School.
The wrangle has been disrupting lessons at Cold Comfort School since the beginning of this term, leaving over 700 pupils stranded.
Clashes between parents and Herentals College officials had become common.
Herentals College had taken charge of the school on the strength of a High Court order obtained two months ago.
During that wrangle, it was established that the warring parties held two title deeds to the property at the centre of the dispute .
Labels: DAVID COLTART, EDUCATION, MDC
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West, MDC-T stalling constitution making process — Khaya Moyo
Saturday, 23 July 2011 02:00
Herald Reporter
WESTERN countries that imposed illegal economic sanctions on Zimbabwe are working
with the MDC-T to stall the constitution making process, Zanu-PF national chairman Cde Simon Khaya Moyo has said. Smelling defeat, Cde Khaya Moyo said, the MDC-T and the Western countries wanted to delay general elections in the country by influencing financiers not to release money.
He made the remarks after meeting Palestinian Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Hashim Dajani at the Zanu-PF headquarters in Harare yesterday. Said Cde Khaya Moyo: "The Minister of Finance Tendai Biti is also following his masters' dirty tricks by refusing to release funds for the constitution making process.
"The constitution making process came out with the views from the people, which are in line with Zanu-PF's position and now the MDC-T is afraid of going for elections this year fearing defeat. The MDC-T is therefore coming up with all sorts of delaying tactics to avoid elections."
He reiterated that Zanu-PF would stand by the resolutions made at last year's conference in Mutare that elections should be held this year.
He urged all Sadc countries to be united as the Western "dirty tricks" were not targeted at Zimbabwe alone but the whole southern region.
"Like they are doing to Zimbabwe, the United States of America is not the honest broker it proclaims itself to be. It supports illegal Israeli policies financially, militarily and diplomatically and all rhetoric to the contrary aside, it has long rejected the Palestinians' right to self-determination," he said.
He castigated Britian's move to allocate three million pounds to the private media through the Department for International Development aimed at attacking Zanu-PF and President Mugabe.
He pledged that Zimbabwe would continue supporting Palestine in its bid to become a Palestinian state when the United Nations General Assembly meets in September.
"The US wants to respond by cutting or eliminating aid that the Palestine authority has come to depend on to function. The Palestinians must not bow down to such threats and the Palestinian people must take their case to the UN, if their legitimate political aspirations are ever to be achieved.
"The US and Israel have sought to entice the Palestinian leadership to back away from their 1988 declaration of independence and to prevent the establishment of a viable, independent and fully sovereign state in Palestine," he said.
He urged Ambassador Hashim to have meetings with leaders of former liberation movements in the Sadc region and exchange notes to gain their advice and support.
Cde Khaya Moyo said Ambassador Hashim had expressed gratitude to the support they received from Zanu-PF adding that his country would not allow foreign countries like the US to dictate to them how to run their country.
Labels: CONSTITUTION, MDC, NEOCOLONIALISM, SIMON KHAYA MOYO
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Zim’s natural resources belong to Zimbabweans — Speaker
Saturday, 23 July 2011 02:00
The Speaker of Parliament Mr
Lovemore Moyo and Clerk of Parliament Mr Austin Zvoma recently toured the United States of America to get an appreciation of how the US Congress and Senate conduct business in terms of structure and administration. Our US correspondent Obi Egbuna (OE) caught up with Mr Moyo (LM) on this and more.
OE: Mr Speaker, let me begin by thanking you for granting me the opportunity to have this interview. Can you please give an overview of the aims and objectives of this trip?
LM: Thank you. First and foremost last year I, on behalf of Zimbabwe's Parliament, established a memorandum of understanding with the President of the National Democratic Institute Mr Kenneth Wollack for the purpose of engaging one of the most influential groupings in the US Political Think Tank Sector.
I also wanted to come and appreciate the Legistative Processes in Washington in connection with how the US Congress and Senate manouevre and conduct their daily activity.
The main point of concentration is on the structure and administrative bodies. It was for this reason that I led this delegation and felt it was also of paramount importance that Mr Austin Zvoma our Clerk of Parliament accompanied me.
OE: In June 2009 during a photo opportunity in the White House, the US President Barack Obama stated to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai that at no point during the existence of Zimbabwe's Inclusive Government would his administration directly finance any of the ministries controlled by any of the three political parties that make up the Inclusive Government. What they would do instead was to send financial assistance through NGOs.
However, in September of 2009 while he was chairing the US Senate Sub Committee on Africa Senator Russell Feingold, together with the US Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Ambassador Johnnie Carson stated a decision had been reached that the US government would indeed finance the Office of Prime Minister Tsvangirai.
How do you feel about these overtures, which can be perceived as attempts to manipulate the political differences between the three political parties that make up the GPA/Inclusive Government present a problem?
LM: If there are contradictions concerning US Foreign Policy in terms of the pronouncement either by the President or his subordinates, I may not be in a position to adequately respond to that. However, after I had an engagement with the US Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Ambassador Charles Ray just last month in Harare, I was informed it was US policy not to fund any political party.
They will fund any democratic process or activity that has been embarked on by civic society as you correctly stated that President Obama voiced those exact sentiments. That is exactly what I was told. That is their exact policy of engagement not only with Zimbabwe but other African countries as well.
Therefore if anything contrary to that has taken place in particular in relationship to the funding of the Prime Minster's office, I have not been fully briefed and am not in the picture in terms of the specific amount of funding or targeted areas of funding pertaining to this matter.
OE: How does the rising tide of Zimbabweans on the ground at the grass root level concerning indigenisation and the lifting of US-EU sanctions on Zimbabwe affect the political roadmap, the constitution being crafted as we speak and the political direction moving into the future?
LM: I think first and foremost it must be understood that the natural resources of Zimbabwe are for the country and people of Zimbabwe. That point is fundamental, therefore is must be respected because it is non-negotiable, what then happens with those natural resources specifically in terms extraction and exploitation of those minerals is another level of terms of looking at the capacity of the country itself.
When it comes to extracting the resources themselves for the benefit of the entire nation and whether individuals amongst the indigenous can sufficiently extract resources for the collective benefit and empowerment of the country.
In the absence of that certainly there's nothing with any investment policy where once again those facilitators coming in embark on programmes for the benefit of the country and people first. But we must strongly emphasise to them that because the resources belong to Zimbabwe, Zimbabweans must be the main beneficiaries.
How that is linked to the attitude as it pertains to US-EU sanctions and other restrictive measures against Zimbabwe, the difficulty is that is a foreign policy issue.
This means it is a US problem to find ways how do they deal with the GPA/Inclusive Government and Sadc who stand on one accord concerning this matter. There is a mechanism in the Sadc where the Heads of State as guarantors of the GPA/inclusive government have made this a priority.
We also have an internal mechanism in the GPA where we have a committee that goes with the US and EU in relationship to this matter. Because it is foreign policy it is hard for Zimbabweans to tell anyone when the policy will end, we just will continue to intensify the dialogue with that aim in mind.
OE: Through the process of engagement with the US-EU alliance, how has this impacted on Zimbabwe's strategic approach to defending its sovereignty?
LM: I think there is no debate on the sovereignty of our nation, we all agree each nation must guard against any attempt on its own sovereignty, I am quite confident this is understood by Zimbabweans across the board.
While I say that when it comes to the multi-national forces and the countries we have been discussing it becomes an issue for further engagement.
These issues will only be completely resolved through dialogue between Zimbabweans and those who have voiced criticism and reservation concerning resolving these issues.
In my view we have many outstanding issues as part of the Global Political Agreement, this is why Sadc has pronounced these issues through South Africa's President Jacob Zuma, who have insisted that all three political parties that make up the GPA/Inclusive Government rapidly resolve these issues.
The issues include the security sector reform, media reform. We as Zimbabweans must implement what we can control and continue to engage forces on the matters we do not control.
I believe this is the way forward, this way we can take off what is in our power so the world can see when it is external forces that stand in the way of Zimbabwe's progress because we have done our part.
OE: What in your opinion in the role of Zimbabweans and Africans in the diaspora at the grassroots level in the fight to lift US-EU sanctions and supporting the indigenisation efforts on the ground in Zimbabwe?
LM: The Zimbabweans and Africans in the diaspora must understand the US-EU sanctions and the manner in which they have been imposed, this way they will be in the best position to oppose these measures. What I am seeing is a degree of difficulty amongst Zimbabweans and our friends in fully understanding the sanctions and the challenges they present.
I have travelled to Europe and the US and am convinced if our citizenry take up this fight when the forces who have kept the sanctions in place ask them to respond to specific concerns as it relates to this policy it hurts this cause.
I met the US Secretary for African Affairs Johnnie Carson and he stressed free and fair elections, allowing all political parties the latitude to campaign freely and all outside observers to come. I stress we encourage Zimbabweans and Africans outside the country to voice their concerns and optimistically speaking I hope the result is one mobilised and united voice.
There is no substitution to dialogue because at this moment they don't see this matter from that unifed point of view. I cannot and will not make specific pronouncements pertaining to the sanctions but encourage more intense dialogue amongst Zimbabweans and Africans pertaining not just to the sanctions but all matters aimed at helping Zimbabwe improve both in the short term and long term.
OE: Thank you for your time and have a safe trip home
LM: Thanks once again and it was good to be interviewed by a Herald Correspondent in the US.
Labels: HILLARY CLINTON, LOVEMORE MOYO, MDC, MINING, NATIONALISATION, RUSS FEINGOLD
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MANHERU:- Zimbabwe: Notes on the United States of America
Saturday, 23 July 2011 02:00
FACED with a sub-region that grappled with the challenges of surviving under the shadow of a predatory empire; faced with a people who visualised their futures in terms of a powerful, rapacious northern empire they envied so unconditionally, so irrationally, Jose Marti, the founder of revolutionary Cuba, created a column in a US-based newspaper dedicated to Latino affairs. The newspaper was called "Patria".
His column was simply entitled "Notes on the United States". The column reprinted articles from early United States of America, articles clearly showing that far from enjoying innate virtue and glory, innate greatness, the United States of America - that land of invading immigrants, of "genocideres" - had in fact started off with more than a fair share of rejects, rogues and scoundrels, with more than fair share in murderers and thieves, more than ever existed or could ever exist in the Americas.
The column revealed that far from being a beneficiary of heavenly manna or Providential goodwill, America had struggled against vices, indolence, violent differences, mediocrities, conflictual identities, rapacity and backwardness, to become the mighty, united, developed and supremely unjust imperial "democracy" it later became. Against the Americas' mindless adulation and envy of this powerful and developed northern neighbour, Marti warned:
"In our America, it is vital to know the truth about the United States. We should not exaggerate its faults purposely, out of a desire to deny it all virtue, nor should these faults be concealed or proclaimed as virtues."
America's new near-abroad
Today Zimbabwe finds itself in more or less the same predicament. Far more than the United Kingdom and the rest of continental Europe, America today treats Zimbabwe as her near-abroad, as her backyard. Today America is doing uglier things against Zimbabwe than our embittered "mother" country, Britain.
The scope of her intrusive politics in the national affairs of our country far exceeds her historical links claims and interests in this part of the world.
Even the 1969/70 National Security Study Memorandum (NSSM/69) done under the auspices of Henry Kissinger, while recognising Southern Africa as the "mineral Persian Gulf" of the world, devalued it as of direct strategic interest to America's national security.
But that was in 1969/70, a time of the Cold War, a time of liberation movements, a time of relative success for the American economy.
Today is 2011, a day in the unipolar age of American domination, doubtful domination at that, a decade of America's economic melt-down, one bearing down on her so inexorably, indeed a decade of acute resource shortages, set against resource nationalism, militant resource nationalism.
America is another empire, with a new set of eyes that see a different Southern Africa and within it, a marked little country called Zimbabwe which in history's yesterday, may have been a little, insignificant dot on the map.
Against America's current intense interest, one would be forgiven for thinking that Zimbabwe is a small, rich and strategic country in Latin America, geographically abutting the shores of north America in the era of another Cold War.
We have become America's Southern African Cuba. So far yet so near!
Ray, the local MDC MP
Today America's ambassador here behaves like an aspiring local MP running under an MDC-T ticket.
He is everywhere, picking disputes with little men and women of local politics, engaging small constituencies that ordinarily would hardly be visible to his most junior officer in the mission. America has gone grassroots in her hostile engagement with Zimbabwe.
It engages vendors; it engages students; it engages war veterans, it engages nannies, etc, etc. Much worse, the American Embassy has an active cell in our newsrooms here.
It is buying newsprint for the so-called private media, in some cases it has repeatedly picked staff costs for newspapers that, except for her politically calculated beneficence, would have withered on the vine.
Today these papers do not need to sell, to attract advertisements at all. In one or two cases, products are free handouts, much like Rhodesia's African Times.
Total strategy
The furious anger directed at Jonathan Moyo arises from the fact that he has revealed what should have been kept under wraps.
And what precious little revelation he has made, in relation to the scope of what America and her western allies are doing here!
There is a lot more happening which Professor Moyo does not know, may never know.
There is a lot more obvious, albeit indirect action which the good professor has not thrown up to public scrutiny.
Seemingly little, seemingly humanitarian things like using Bill Gates to fund the construction of condominiums in Mbare and other high-density suburbs.
This column shall do it's damnedest to give more tit-bits on this unfolding matter, one likely to be less and less discreet as we move towards elections.
America badly needs one outcome in that impending duel of democracy, and its ambassador here - gees he carries my pigmentation ! - is increasingly interpreting his role as taking matters beyond the hallways of diplomacy right down to Harare's hard streets where he meets vendors, paying them even.
[Professor Jonathan Moyo...revealed what should have been kept under wraps.]
Professor Jonathan Moyo...revealed what should have been kept under wraps.
He is now the shadow minister of war veterans, vendors, students, seminarians, the youth, the opposition, housing, ideology and many more things which shall unfold as the electoral tempo picks beat, this our kinsman from America!
America's intrusion has escalated, is highly mediased, and seeks to encompass total society.
Bad America is dead!
What I am addressing today is Obama's broke America with its bellicose focus on Africa, and within it, the highly mineralised but brittle Zimbabwe.
What I am addressing today is a Janus-faced America with a black president pursuing a white agenda; an America whose indefatigable black minions wave a supposedly totemless pro-democracy banner while pursuing aggressive, unenlightened self-interest. What I am addressing most is this mindless admiration of an assaulting America by sections within Zimbabwe, an irrational admiration reminiscent of Marti's Americas.
There is a genuine and even fervent belief in this country that America is a second liberator of Zimbabwe and Zimbabweans, a belief that America is doing all it does with a heart that profusely bleeds kindness for us and our welfare. Indeed, there is a belief that bad America belonged to the sixties and seventies, that bad America died in the sixties and seventies - hanged by her innumerable, bloody misdeeds in the Congo, Ghana, Guatemala, Cuba, Chile, Grenada etc, etc.
A fatal belief that good America has been born, has come, that today we have a born-again America, one out to save us from ourselves by way of eliminating our "bad" leaders, "bad" govern-ments, "bad" economics, "bad" advice, "bad" alliances, "bad" technologies, "bad" markets, "bad" democracies,"bad" morality, "bad" colour, "bad"dreams, badder aspirations.
There is this gratuitous admiration of baddest, assaulting America by us, its victims. We are an enchanted quarry. And when our successors look back at our age and its seeming collective blindness against so brazen a danger, so blatant an intrusion, they may not understand us. We shall come across as a generation that relished, nay, ululated at its own mortal assault. For no generation can be more deserving of a guilty charge than one unmoved by so guileless an intrusion.
Teaching Zimbabwe from an anthill
If you doubt this, ask yourself as a Zimbabwean why an outsider like Charles Ray feels comfortable and confident enough to mount a red savannah anthill to tell us - his hosts - the following mouth: "I don't think removing an individual (read President Mugabe) is going to solve the problems of Zimbabwe. The problems here are too complex and what is needed is to change the whole system . . . The situation here can be resolved with an interaction among and between the country's citizens and the army, the police, the media and the private sector. Until you fix all those relationships there will be no change. There can be only minor changes if he is removed as an individual."
Addressing a fallen species
Just what gives this ambassador the guts and the locus standi to say all these things, temerity to say all this without the slightest fear of contradiction, without a presentiment of worse to follow, by way of censorious diplomatic measures?
What? For goodness' sake he is not advising us on how to cook sadza better, how to grow better tomatoes.
He is not tipping us on how to mine better. He is telling us we are a bad home, a bad culture, a bad politics, a bad society, a bad government, a bad State and ultimately, a bad people.
We have to be born anew. Everything about us simply has to be uprooted, piled and burnt for a new, better society to be born from our ashes, we thistles!
His is the verdict of Divinity, a voice from an angry, righteous God addressing a fallen species. He is not asking for the overthrow of (President) Mugabe, the overthrow of Zanu-PF.
Those are too narrow a set of objectives. He is asking for the overthrow of a Zimbabwe that has emerged over "decades".
And given that we are a mere three decades after Independence, he is repudiating us, repudiating Independent Zimbabwe, all to three cheers from us! I hope the gentle reader notices that Ray excludes
Government in the reconstruction of the system he proposes for us; he is suggesting an antediluvian beginning, albeit one happily unfolding under the auspices of a selfless America. Except for our supine nature, what gives him the balls? What?
The real meaning of regime change
The lexis is clear.
His diction connects him to a political viewpoint, a political camp here. He is connecting with the notion of change as adopted by the MDC formations.
He is exceeding it even, to give the formations a more profound manifesto. He is addressing the notion of change whose desirability and acceptance by us he takes as given.
He is warning us against the artificial change we must not want, the deep change we need. But it is all civic change, not the fundamental one people like Kasukuwere and his ZANU-PF espouse, change founded on a new place and status for the native vis-a-vis the control of his/her resources. No, no, no!
Not that kind of change. The change he says we need is that of political governance only, change that subsist in security sector reforms, media reforms etc, etc.
Such change must welcome the rise of a pro-America civil society and of course an American-guided private sector.
I hope the gentle reader recalls the numerous conferences the Americans have been having at the Celebration Centre to "re-invent" the private sector here.
The upshot is that Ray has made a bold, existential statement about us -you and me - and this on behalf of his country America which visualizes itself in loco parentis to all of us.
America is losing the information war!
Why all this frantic response by our Ray? Let us build a context.
On March 2 this year, American Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton, testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee.
The focus was on budgetary support for America's information sector. She came across as a deeply worried woman. America was losing the information war, she told the Committee.
I quote her: "During the Cold War we did a great job in getting America's message out. After the Berlin Wall fell we said, ‘Okay, fine, enough of that, we are done", and unfortunately we are paying a big price for it . . . We are in an information war and we are losing that war.
[America is losing the Information War! Al Jazeera is winning!]
America is losing the Information War! Al Jazeera is winning!
Al Jazeera is winning, the Chinese have opened a global multi-language television network, the Russians have opened up an English-language network. I've seen it in a few countries, and it is quite instructive."
She decried America's private information networks' failure to get America's messages abroad, preferring instead to sell America's unclad bodily curves by way of pornography and wrestling.
She just fell short of demanding the founding of State media, something unknown to America's mainstream media culture.
More significantly, she was talking not just of American media systems; rather, she addressed the combined reach and influence of Anglo-American media systems globally.
That tells you that on global affairs, only Africans act atomistically.
The previous year, Walter Isaacson, the man in charge of America's federal global broadcasting project within which falls Studio 7, had made the same frantic plea adding: "We can't allow ourselves to be out-communicated by our enemies."
Serving the empire
Three months down the line, in June and in Lusaka here in Southern Africa, the same lady made a landmark address to Africans.
She was attending an AGOA review meeting. Heractual words are worth recalling in extenso: "We saw that during the colonial times, it was easy to come in, take our natural resources, pay off leaders and leave. And when you leave, you do not leave much behind for the people who are there. We don't want to see a new colonialism in Africa.... We want [investors] to do well but we also want them to do good. We don't want them to undermine good governance, we don't want them to basically deal with just the top elites, and frankly too often pay for their concessions or opportunities to invest." A little while later, addressing the
Zambian Chamber of Commerce she elaborated: "We want a relationship of partnership not patronage, of sustainability, not quick fixes.... We want to establish a strong new foundation to attract new investment, open new businesses...create more paychecks, and to do so within the context of a positive ethic of corporate responsibility. We think it's essential that we have an idea going that doing well is not in any way a contradiction of doing good."
A-historical moral universe
The emperor is building a universe in which his moral pretensions rule the roost. Exploitation happened some distant time in the colonial past. It is not American, it is not contemporary, it is not AGOA. Threats of continued exploitation come from the Chinese, the Russians, the Indians, the Brazilians. Not from an America cutting deals with Rhodesia for continued chrome supply in spite of racist mis-governance of the natives. It is not Union Carbide creating a horrendous chemical genocide assault on India. It is not America creating war in Iraq, Afghanistan and now Libya to cream off oil and other base metals. Not America propping dictators in the Middle East or Latin America. No, all evil was in the colonial past, is in futures without her restraining hand of false piety. Here begins my problems. We tend to take America's claims at face value, to assume her goodness. Her present sense of morality is a-historical and we, the forgetful ones, are only ready to say Amen!
Perpetual elections
Against this background and the fact that America has only this month to stabilise her economy or face total ruin, it is not very difficult to comprehend what the western white empire, using blacks like Charles Ray, is trying to do here. Ray's dive into the murky world of newspaper vendors is not aberrational or idiosyncratic. He is obeying the dictates of a purposeful system in search of an information-led global re-dominance.
American imperialism has to have a punchy media correlative. We are seeing the local face of it here. American money translates into an hysterical tabloid media ethos united around screaming headlines as if they are run from the same newsroom, led by Siamese editors. Same headlines, same stories, same sources, same slant, often same sizes, same advertisements. Above all, same enemy. The objective is a simple one. Apart from demonising an individual and a certain type of politics, the objective is to create a continual atmosphere of febrile political excitement and ceaseless electioneering. Zimbabwe is about elections from Monday to Monday. Zimbabwe is about GPA and outstanding issues from Monday to Monday. Zimbabwe is about Zuma and Zulu from Monday to Monday. We have become a country in continual election mode, a country therefore in continual tension, thanks to the western media project here.
The input from labour
Something else is brewing. Apart from the instrument of the media, imperialism is harnessing labour to subvert all other investments from the non-western world. Especially Chinese investments, which is why unions which have presided over callous exploitation of Zimbabweans by western capital suddenly wake up to the so-called Chinese labour malpractices! Today we see screaming headlines of so-called Chinese bosses who cannot pay workers, who poison our wildlife. Really? A deliberate attempt to use the labour centre to whip an anti-Chinese sentiment in the country. We have become the askaris of the West. Our society has become one missile America can throw at her enemies abroad. I thought Mutambara put it so well in Parliament. He said: "You should not fight the Chinese on behalf of the Europeans. Most of the criticisms of the Chinese in Africa are initiated by their competitors from Europe and America. Africans are being used to do the bidding for them."
Seeing America's warts
Marti succeeded in creating a new political ethos which was independently Cuba. Bolivar tried the same, only succeeding recently through the Chavez and his Bolivarian revolution. Both societies have etched out a new destiny simply by exorcising the ghost of model America. They have looked inward, around themselves for inspiration, reaching the conclusion that the American model is neither possible nor desirable. Many in Zimbabwe see spotless America, cradle in its sweetened evil ways even. Will we ever see its ugly warts? I wonder. Icho!
Labels: NATHANIEL MANHERU, NEOCOLONIALISM, OLIGARCHIES
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COMMENT - I don't exactly agree with everything in this article, but just adding it for completeness sake. The writer could have added that for 10 years, Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi were the same country.
Made in Nyasaland: The Enduring Influence of Malawian Diaspora over Zambia
TIME PUBLISHED - Friday, July 22, 2011, 4:49 am
By E. Munshya wa Munshya
Of Zambia’s neighbours, no country has had more economic, religious, educational, political, and cultural influence over Zambian than Malawi. First Republican President Kaunda was born from parents who came from modern day Malawi. The current president of our Republic, Rupiah Banda, also has parentage descent from what was then Nyasaland. Beginning from presidency to copper mine labourers, the Malawian diaspora have left an indelible mark. And they continue to do so.
Malawian influence however, is not just unique to Zambia. Other Southern African countries do have a huge Malawian diaspora among its citizenry. People of Malawian descent can be found in South Africa, Namibia, Mozambique and Tanzania among others. In fact, in Tanzania a leading politician is facing accusations that in spite of his Tanzanian citizenship he is in fact a Malawian. There is no doubt that Malawians are the most travelled peoples in Southern Africa. They have spread to several Southern African countries more than any other nation has done.
In this article I wish to show reasons why Malawi remains so prominent.
According to historian Rotberg, Malawi’s clout hails from the quality of European missionaries that it received. Contrasted with the missionaries sent to Zambia, Rotberg states that those sent to Malawi were more educated than their Zambian counterparts. While Malawi received medical doctors, teachers and lawyers from the Church of Scotland, Zambia received characteristically charismatic evangelicals who took their evangelical mandate more seriously without social or community consciousness.
Several Zambian historians have shown that European styled education was first established in Western Province, but many years before that Malawi had already received her first schools. The missionaries influenced Malawians to the extent that the natives themselves started making the initiative to spread the gospel and education to their surrounding tribes. It was during one of these evangelistic pursuits, that a Malawian, named David Kaunda, moved from Livingstonia Mission in Malawi to Chinsali, Zambia where he started to preach the gospel to a people that had not yet believed. David Kaunda’s ministry among the Bemba became so successful that he established a church and a school there. In fact, David Kaunda even adopted Chinsali as his own home and put himself under a Bemba chief Nkula.
David Kaunda is significant for Zambia not only because he was father to Zambia’s first president Kenneth Kaunda, but also because he became a pioneering native evangelist. David Kaunda demonstrates that Christianity had been adopted by Africans as their own religion such that they did not see it as a white man’s religion but as their own religion. David Kaunda shows that in addition to those Europeans who brought the gospel, are Africans who equally should share in that history. Additionally, from David Kaunda we see a pioneer who started the Malawian influence over Zambia and over Southern Africa.
Malawi is also influential due to the fact that for some reason, during the colonial era, Malawi supplied easy labour for mines in Zambia, Congo DR and South Africa. Most of the Malawian men and women who travelled to other countries settled there and became a very influential part of the population. History does show that usually, populations that are used or exported to other countries as labourers become rulers of those countries with time and assimilation.
The world is always dominated by labourers. China is becoming a leading economy today not because of its scientific or technological innovation, but simply because of its labour. When the West went to China to make goods and exploit cheap labour they had very little understanding that labour is a major key to China’s economic development. No nation can prosper without labor. For Malawi, it provided labour to Southern Africa, and that labour has resulted in tremendous power and clout over Southern African affairs.
In pre-independence politics, especially during the debate over the Federation, some Bemba speaking politicians on the Copperbelt did not like the Federation because they were concerned that it would only lead to domination from the Nyasas. That was because the Nyasas where more educated and Europeans found them easier to work with.
After independence, Malawi’s Kamuzu Banda was a very shadowy figure to understand. For certainty, Banda never got along very well with Zambia’s Kaunda. As a person with doubtful Malawian credentials (there are stories that Kamuzu Banda spoke very little chiChewa) Banda knew that Kaunda as a man of Malawian descent could easily influence Malawian politics. Kamuzu Banda had to be shrewd and this ingenuity saw him align himself with apartheid South Africa. Alignment with South Africa meant first that he could get South African economic benefits and he could easily supply South Africa with an African black labour that would be politically less toxic in South Africa. Second, it emboldened and ostracised Malawians already in the diaspora who felt betrayed by Banda’s actions. These Malawian diaspora could include President Kenneth Kaunda himself and several influential figures in Zambia.
It is rather telling that in keeping with the adage that “blood is thicker than water” President Kaunda never stationed armies along the Malawian border. Instead of Malawi, Kaunda stationed more soldiers along the Congolese border. For Kaunda, the Congo was more “the other” than Malawi was. Kaunda is perhaps responsible for the marginalization of Zambians of Congolese origin—a tradition than Chiluba continued. After independence, Kapwepwe and several other politicians accused Kaunda of favouring Malawians over Zambians in political appointments.
For his part Kaunda had to reject Malawian citizenship only in the 1970s. This action would latter haunt him, as Remmy Mushota used it to have the High Court declare Kenneth Kaunda as a stateless person. This High Court decision was indeed quite bizarre such that the Supreme Court had to reverse it swiftly. It was going to have serious repercussions for Zambians of Malawian descent who in fact may have included the judges of the High Court itself.
Malawi’s influence can be derived from its geography as well. It is about five times smaller than Zambia and yet has a comparable population to Zambia. This geography means that Malawian tribes are geographically closer to each other than is the case in Zambia. This geographical proximity means that tribal problems would not be as toxic as they would be in Zambia. Proximity also means that the people would have less tribal misunderstandings. For example, In Zambia the distance between Nakonde (a Namwanga stronghold) and Mongu (a Lozi stronghold) is 1500km whereas the distance between Karonga and Blantyre is only 800 kms.
All else being equal a person can drive through Malawi from its furthest two points in a day, whereas that would be impossible to do in Zambia. The consequence of its size and its population means it is far much easier for Malawians to spread out looking for greener pastures outside their country, and once they cross the border, it is easier for these Malawian tribes to stay together. One study has even suggested that even if the Tumbukas and the Chewas seem to be rivals in Malawi, they become tribal allies in Zambia.
Chiluba’s citizenship policies dented Malawian diaspora influence temporarily. He deported John Chinula and William Takere Banda. He in fact, wanted to deport Kaunda himself. What saved Kaunda and eventually many other Zambians of Malawian origin was the Supreme Court. Such a deportation was going to destabilise Zambia. Malawian influence is too pervasive to be dispensed with in the manner Chiluba wanted.
Zambia cannot do without its influential section of Malawian origin. When Chiluba defeated Kaunda in 1991, some sections felt that a Malawian had been defeated. But in 2008, another Malawian story got written and State House welcomed another occupant who is truly a Zambian citizen of unquestionably Malawian heritage. The “Made in Nyasaland” stamp over Zambia is here to stay. And the best thing Zambians can do is to embrace and respect the contribution of Malawi to the Zambian nation. Umodzi Kumhawa…in Malawi we trust.
Labels: FEDERATION OF RHODESIA AND NYASALAND, MALAWI
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COMMENT - Good article, however what the writer doesn't point out is that almost none of the taxes due by the mining industry are actually paid. Or dividends either. That is the problem, collectability and the government's unwillingness to actually collect, because they have been bribed.
Mining Sector contributing less than 2% of domestic revenue-ZCTU
TIME PUBLISHED - Friday, July 22, 2011, 8:45 am
ZCTUThe Zambia Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has observed that the country’s current tax policy does not adequately support the redistribution of income, wealth and resources.
ZCTU first Vice President Crispin Munyukwa has acknowledged that mining is the mainstay of the country’s economy but noted that it pays very little in taxes and royalties.
Mr. Munyukwa says the country’s attainment of middle income status can largely be attributed to the increase in mining export receipts yet the sector only contributes less that 2 percent of domestic revenue.
He tells QFM in an interview that it is expected that government tax policy to be in line with the broader objectives of reducing poverty by strengthening redistributive policies.
Mr. Munyukwa has since appealed to government to consider revisiting the windfall taxes.
In Zambia, government has given a lot of incentives to mining companies in an effort to attract investors.
Exporters of copper and cobalt are levied 35% of taxable income whereas other mineral and “non-traditional” commodities (ie. excluding copper and cobalt) attract a levy of 15%. Companies listed on the Lusaka Stock Exchange are levied at 30% of taxable income.
Mining compnaies also pay a royalty fee calculated as 2% of the market value of minerals f.o.b. less the the cost of smelting, refining and insurance, handling and transport from the mining area to the point of export or delivery within Zambia.
In terms of relief, an investment in mining, including prospecting, attracts deductions from income tax on the following expenditures on capital expenditure; allowances of 25% on plant, machinery and commercial vehicles; 20% on non-commercial vehicles; 5% on industrial buildings.
A holder of a mining right is exempt from customs, excise and Vat duties in respect of all machinery and equipment required for exploration or mining activities.
[QFM/addition information from Ministry of Mines]
Labels: MINING, TAX EVASION, WINDFALL TAX, ZCTU
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Government to ease the tax burden on personal income taxpayers-Musokotwane
TIME PUBLISHED - Friday, July 22, 2011, 4:18 am
GOVERNMENT will undertake a comprehensive reform on tax policy to ease the tax burden on personal income taxpayers. Currently, the first K800, 000 is exempt from Pay-As-You-Earn (PAYE).
Minister of Finance and National Planning Situmbeko Musokotwane assured the International Monetary Fund (IMF) that the 2011 fiscal policy will focus on creating space to facilitate spending on infrastructure and the social sector. Dr Musokotwane said this in a Letter of Intent to the IMF dated June 3, 2011.
He said Government will continue to improve the performance of revenues by drawing on technical assistance from the co-operating partners and also conclude the auditing of the mining sector.
“In the medium term, the focus will remain on undertaking a comprehensive reform of the tax policy and administration to improve the performance of customs and excise taxes, to ease the revenue burden on personal income taxpayers,” he said.
Dr Musokotwane said domestic revenues are projected at 19.3 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) on account of strong economic growth and improved metal prices.
He said macroeconomic objectives in 2011 are to sustain the high levels of growth in the economy, lower inflation and strengthen the economy against external shocks by building up gross international reserves.
He said the increase in revenue will be driven by growth in income taxes, from 9.4 percent in 2010 to 10.1 percent of GDP on account of collections of mining taxes, including tax arrears.
Real GDP growth in 2011 has been revised upwards to 6.8 percent from an earlier projection of 6.4 percent driven by the mining, construction and transport, storage and communication sectors.
He said inflation is projected to close the year at seven percent while gross international reserves are projected to rise to at least US$2.4 billion, or 3.4 months of prospective imports.
He pointed out that recent development in both the global and domestic economy present downside risks.
“If oil prices remain high or continue rising, this has the potential to drive up inflationary pressures in oil importing countries and slow global growth.
On the domestic front, the recovery in private sector credit, from the sharp contraction during the global financial crisis, needs to remain consistent with underlying demand in the economy to avoid fuelling inflationary pressures,” he said.
Dr Musokotwane said expenditures are projected at 24.1 percent of GDP with 3.4 percent financed using foreign grants and loans.
He said wages will decline slightly to 7.9 percent of GDP from 8.1 percent while domestically financed expenditures or the social sectors and infrastructure development in the transport sector will increase to 50 percent of the budget compared to 35.7 percent in 2010.
He said the budget outlay for maize purchases will be K653 billion, a reduction of 46 percent in 2011 (about 0.6 percent of GDP) compared to 2010.
The overall fiscal deficit (including grants) has been projected to decrease to 2.9 percent of GDP from 3.1 percent recorded in 2010.
Dr Musokotwane said domestic financing will be limited at 1.3 percent of GDP, which is 1.5 percentage points below the outturn in 2010.
And Government intends to issue its sovereign bond in the second half of this year.
Dr Musokotwane said the bond issue will be used on infrastructure development, in particular roads and power projects.
“In this context, the government will carefully consider maturity and exchange rate risks, and the debt sustainability and cashflow implications,” he said.
Zambia was in March this year assigned a sovereign credit rating of B+ by Fitch and Standard and Poor’s Ratings.
Dr Musokotwane said Government intends to take appropriate measures for a successful bond issue, which include the procurement of legal and financial advisors, the use of collective action clauses and will consider phased issuance.
[Zambia Daily Mail]
Labels: 2011 BUDGET, NEOLIBERALISM, SITUMBEKO MUSOKOTWANE
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Land reform in post-apartheid South Africa: In transition
Essy M. Letsoalo
ESSY M. LETSOALO is assistant director, Northern Transvaal Land Affairs, Sovenga, South Africa.
Introduction
Bibliography
Introduction
The issue of South Africa's apartheid policies was an international focus of debate for decades. At the heart of the debate was not only the inhumanity of the system but its impact on the redistribution of economic resources, especially land.
The grand apartheid strategy, denationalization of Africans by creating autonomous countries out of the bantustans, was officially declared dead in February, 1990, only months after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the cold war.
The current debate focuses on the economic and social consequences of both the end of apartheid and the cold war. Although South Africa's democracy is less than two years old, its land reform policies have received high-profile attention from the media. The indication is that neither the minority landowners nor the majority potential beneficiaries of the land reform policies are satisfied.
This paper is an analysis of the land reform policy of South Africa in the context of the demands of the landless majority population, the pre-emption of land reform by the apartheid government, and the reaction of the landowners.
Is there a need for land reform?
STUDIES OF THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF South Africa have clearly indicated that the creation of the bantustans led to the unequal distribution of land between the races with the minority white population having ten times the land occupied by the majority black population.
Land dispossession took place long before the declared policy of apartheid of 1948. The 1913 Natives Land Act No. 27 and the 1936 Bantu Trust and Land Act No. 18 both sealed the unequal distribution of land between the races. In terms of the former, only 7.3 percent of the land was reserved for Africans. The latter was meant to release a further 5.7 percent. However, by 1991 when the Land Acts were repealed, 1.25 million ha that had been promised was still in the hands of the government under the South African Development Trust.
The creation of the bantustans as pure ethnic entities could never have been achieved without the massive forced removals that became the symbol of apartheid. The 'ethnic cleansing' entailed the establishment of ten bantustans into which Africans were forcibly removed under different categories such as the removal of black spots, the consolidation of homelands, the abolition of labour tenancy, and influx control measures, which were the four most detrimental.
Because of this social engineering, Africans have become landless and near-landless. They have become tenants on white farms or they are crowded in bantustans and are trucked daily into white farms as labourers where they have less than economic units of land and survive from migrant remittances, pensions and activities of the informal sector. Some have moved to the urban fringes where they form a shack population, commonly referred to as squatters.
The overcrowding and poverty in the bantustans have been acknowledged even by the apartheid government. However, measures to deal with the problem entailed another form of social engineering, 'betterment planning'. This strategy tampered with the land rights within the bantustans and led to the arrangement of scattered households in a grid pattern, the demarcation of agricultural plots in designated areas, the demarcation of grazing camps to replace the system of open grazing, and the establishment of agricultural projects with government taking over land and using it for state farming and exports.
Contrary to the proposals of the Tomlinson Commission (the architect of 'betterment planning'), no freehold land ownership was introduced, no agricultural infrastructure was provided for the betterment schemes, and no industries were started for the surplus population that could not be accommodated in betterment schemes and had to move into closer settlements.
The result of 'betterment planning' was not the promised improvement of agricultural production, but a reduction of land holdings for some households which resulted in more and more people being impoverished. This, plus the resettlement that accompanied 'betterment planning', and the introduction of apartheid chieftaincy, caused violent opposition.
Demands for land reform, therefore, have come from the victims of forced removals, tenants, farm workers, the unemployed small farmers and squatters. The demands are based on economic needs. The average size of land holding ranges from one-third ha in the former bantustan of Qwa Qwa, to a little more than 2 ha in the former bantustan of Bophuthatswana whereas Makhanya (1994) concluded that a farm of less than 8 ha is not economically viable. There is economic merit in the demands for land.
Land demands cannot be judged only on their economic merit. As indicated, land dispossession was a political tool of the apartheid government. Some of the landless and near landless (i.e. the majority of people who reside in betterment villages and closer settlements of the former bantustans who have no access to land for cultivation), have given up their land under cultivation and/or grazing for residential sites to accommodate the growth due to natural causes and immigration from white farms. Since 1990 they have resorted to land invasions.
The white population, as an exclusive group of landowners, naturally becomes the target of land reform. There is no doubt that the same land ownership pattern that made land reform imperative in countries such as China exists in South Africa where "the land owned by the rich (white) stretches from one end to the other without a break, but the poor (black) have no place even to stand upon" (Cheng, 1961:2).
Although Sachs (1990) includes two categories of whites as potential claimants of land, it is arguable that no white person has been a victim of land dispossession. Indeed, those whose land was taken in the process of the consolidation of bantustans were generously compensated. Furthermore, land reform is imperative not only because Africans have too small and uneconomic land units, but because the white landowners have too large holdings, on the average 1435 ha. In 1987 they owned 65 170 units. The average size varies from agro-climatic region to region with, for example, 664 ha in Natal and 2175 ha in the Cape.
The history of how the whites came to have exclusive territorial land ownership and the resultant benefits has been interpreted variously by social scientists and lay people, i.e. stories of how far a horse/mule could run, stories of how land was exchanged for a Bible, stories of outright theft, etc.
The legal instrument for whites to accumulate land was passed in the same year as the legal instrument that prohibited Africans from acquiring land outside the African reserves. The Land Settlement Act of 1913, as variously amended, provided for the acquisition of state and privately-owned land to settle white farmers; the use of public funds to buy the land, with the state subsidy of up to 84 percent of the sale price; and the provision of advances for production costs. All these were the basis for the maldistribution of farmland, with whites owning 84 percent of farmland although they accounted for only 10 percent of the rural population in 1987. The maldistribution of land and benefits is reflected in Table 1, which shows the racial involvement in the agricultural sector.
Table 1 THE RACIAL DIVISION OF RURAL AREAS BY PRINCIPAL ECONOMIC FEATURES, 1988
Feature - Average farm size
White Areas - 1 300 ha
Black Areas - 1 ha
Average farm income
R70 050
R141
Share of gross market output
96%
4%
Share in farm GDP
90%
10%
Share of transfer payments
97%
3%
The pre-emption of land reform
FROM THE 1980S
IN THE 1980S, THE APARTHEID GOVERNMENT was characterized by reform, repression and co-optation. However, the reform politics did not entail land reform as a universal remedy for problems associated with unequal distribution of land. Instead, the trend continued to avoid issues of land reform by concentrating on tenure reform, i.e. the redistribution of land rights within the bantustans.
Whereas in the 1950s, the proposal to have Africans purchase land within the bantustans was rejected, in the 1980s the government strategy was to promote a class of Africans hopeful of material advancement. Thus, together with mainstream economists and free-marketers, government changed from vociferous denial of freehold to a coercion for freehold.
Universities were commissioned to come up with development plans for the bantustans, for example, the Rand Afrikaanse University for Gazankulu and Pretoria University for Lebowa. In addition, there were commissions appointed for the same purpose, such as the Swart Commission for the Ciskei and the Buthelezi Commission for Kwazulu. All the commissions advocated so-called land modernization, i.e. freehold tenure. Dissenting voices were thrown out of the window (e.g. Fenyes, 1982). A significant feature was that these academics advised Africans to buy land in the bantustans, while they were denied the same right in white South Africa, a denial that remained unchallenged until 1987 (Letsoalo, 1987).
The governmental strategy of freehold landownership within the bantustans found a fertile ground in the African business community. The easy co-optation of this class is exemplified by the fact that the land tenure debate in South Africa has been dominated by the myth that the agrarian crisis in the bantustans was the result of African traditions, notably communal land tenure. It was alleged that this traditional system allocated land to inefficient families of male migrant labourers and therefore promoted absentee land-ownership, allocated land to inefficient farmers, prevented progressive farmers from getting larger farms and/or was a disincentive to farmers who could not use their land as collateral to access credit.
In addition to the above myth, there was a misconception that the apparent success of white agriculture was the result of freehold, despite evidence that white agriculture is over-subsidized, heavily indebted and ecologically unsustainable (Fenyes et al, 1988). For the African business community, lessons from other countries were completely disregarded (i.e. when land is mortgaged, it may be lost to the bank; the poor may sell their land for cash and become landless and homeless; the land market does not develop; freehold title is not a guarantee for credit-worthiness; increased productivity may result from relaxation of constraints; and/or conversion to freehold generally increases ownership disputes, introduces the possibility of land grabbing and erodes the rights of the poor and women to land).
FROM THE 1990S
AS INDICATED ABOVE, THE APARTHEID government not only endorsed the notion of freehold tenure for white South Africa, but extended it into the bantustans in the 1980s. This was part of the overall policy of promoting privatization. Thus, for instance, the White Paper on Privatization was published in 1987.
By the end of the 1980s, it was becoming clear that the metamorphosis from bantu reserve to independent bantustan had been aborted. A combination of factors contributed to the failure of the South African government to denationalize the majority of the indigenous population: the unfeasibility of creating countries out of the bantustans; the failure of even apartheid-apologist governments to recognize (constitutionally) the sovereignty of the bantustans; and the cultural, economic and political pressure on the South African government to abandon its apartheid policies.
Even before the negotiation strategy was announced in February, 1990, various groups had begun to work on future policies, commonly referred to as post-apartheid policies. These groups included the business community, the academic community, government agencies and non-government or extra- parliamentary organizations. Thus, they encompassed individuals and institutions with different backgrounds, ideologies and agendas.
The policy proposals were based on different myths or manipulative arguments. Although the primary root of poverty was traced back to land dispossession, when it came to proposals for land reform, many of the results of land dispossession and apartheid were used to argue against land reform and/or to propose a market-based land reform.
The first argument against land reform was that the African communal land tenure was a stumbling block to development. As indicated above, the systems of communal and freehold land tenure have been demythified. Therefore, the advancement of communal tenure as a problem was only to divert attention from the unequal distribution of land to the mythical evils of communal tenure.
The second focus of the anti-land reform economists was on agricultural restructuring. There is no doubt that the South African agricultural sector needs to be restructured. The problem was that the potential problems of the beneficiaries of land reform were presented as reasons for not having land reform. Clearly, the emphasis on productivity and food security was intended to reassure the minority white landowners, although the majority landless population could not be convinced that there was food security, let alone that it be protected at the expense of land reform.
The third argument against land reform was the urbanization fallacy. Proponents of this myth not only opposed land reform, they used the victims of land dispossession to argue that because bantustan populations survived mainly from migrant remittances, they were functionally urbanized and therefore would not demand land for agriculture. This assertion ignored studies of bantustan urbanization which show that the key factor in this process was forced removals (Letsoalo, 1983).
The migratory labour system has persisted as part of the reform politics despite the abolition of Influx Control Legislation in 1986. Therefore, access to more land is essential for families of migrant workers. Part-time farming among whites, at 20 percent in 1990, was found to be contributing much to the economy.
"RD develops people's inherent capacities to participate actively in providing the means for access to needed resources. RD enables people/households to utilize these resources economically and ecologically and in a sustainable manner for the improvement of the quality of life in rural areas for present and future generations."
MR. THOMAS WESTERMANN - GERMANY
An extension of the urbanization fallacy is that the bantustan population has lost its agricultural skills. This refers to the very Africans who commute to white farms and form the backbone of so-called white agriculture. Alienation from agriculture is the result of land dispossession. Proponents of this myth are silent on the issue of lack of urban skills. Yet, they argue that to "rekindle a desire in agriculture or to reconstitute a peasantry (would be) pointless and costly" (Cobbett, 1987). This was the opinion that formed the apartheid government's strategies of broader industrial decentralization in the 1970s and regional development policies of the 1980s, which have all been very costly failures.
The proposal of those who upheld the above myths included market-based land reform. These proposals formed the strategy of the government as a means to ensure the economic survival of the white population, when a black majority government was inevitable.
The White Paper on Land Reform was published in March 1991. This led to the 1991 Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act No. 108 of 1991 and the Upgrading of Land Tenure Rights Act No. 112 of 1991. Both Acts promote privatization or freehold tenure. The former endorsed land reform through the market; the latter endorsed freehold tenure in white South Africa and extended it to Africans in the bantustans.
Studies of forced removals show that they represented a serious violation of human rights and impoverished formerly strong agrarian communities. However, the government wanted to take advantage of the reconciliatory conditions of the 1990s to forget the past:
"The government is of the opinion that a programme for the restoration of land to the individuals and communities who were forced to give up their land on account of previous policies or other historical reasons would not be feasible. Apart from the vast potential for conflict inherent in such a programme, overlapping and contradictory claims to such land, as well as other practical problems, would make its implementation extremely difficult, if not impossible. The government believes that it is in the interest of peace and progress that the present position should be accepted and that the opportunities afforded by the new land policy should be exploited to bring about a more equitable dispensation" (South Africa, 1991: 6).
After pressure to reconsider its position on land restoration, the government appointed a controversial Advisory Commission on Land Allocation (ACLA). The Commission was not only controversial because of its composition and terms of reference, but most importantly, it pre-empted land reform in general and land restoration in particular.
First, the National Land Committee (NLC) and the Legal Resource Center (LRC) made representations for forcibly removed communities. They advised communities to form Land Trusts and agonized about the form of 'secure' tenure for land claimants. Second, the bantustan governments made representations for different tribal authorities to acquire more land or to establish 'new' tribes. Third, the white land owners who had sold their land to the government, made representations to purchase their old properties. All three occurred on the eve of independence and a new constitution.
Reaction to the White Paper on Land Reform was varied. There were those who considered it the final blow to apartheid or, to use the vocabulary of the government, it was an indication that negotiations were irreversible. There were those who considered it irrelevant, because the Acts had acted as a scaffolding and now that the apartheid building was intact the Acts had become irrelevant. There were those (the Labour Movement) who accused the government of unilateral restructuring of the economy in the 'old' apartheid style, i.e. without consultation. There were those (National African Farmers Union) who immediately took advantage of the Act to sell and buy land. There were those who accused then-President F.W. de Klerk of selling out to the Communists and giving them the land that had been acquired historically and legally by white pioneers.
Politically, the government was responding to the call for the abolition of the Land Acts by antiapartheid activists, academics and organizations. Economically, the government was pre-empting future policies on land reform and the restoration of land to the rightful owners.
The abolition of the Land Acts was more of a threat to the Africans in the bantustans than it was to the white landowners. It was significant that in the same breath that de Klerk threatened or promised to abolish the Land Acts, he also assured the white farmers that their freehold titles were non-negotiable. Under the restrictions of the Land Acts, Africans could not buy land outside the bantustans. Similarly, whites could not buy land in the bantustans. The Land Acts, therefore, had served to prevent white speculators or land developers from rendering the poor bantustan population completely landless.
With the restrictions lifted, land in the bantustans would be open for purchase. However, a negligible number of Africans could afford to buy land in white South Africa at the market value, while whites could easily buy land in the bantustans. The result would be chat the present victims of land dispossession would become victims of land privatization (Cross, 1990; Letsoalo, 1990).
The popular reaction towards the 1991 White Paper on Land Reform was that an illegal government should not make legislation. The reaction of the National African Federation Chamber of Commerce was to convert its Agricultural Division into the National African Farmers Union, whose objective is to promote freehold land ownership among Africans. A negligible number of this group has bought land at the market value. The implication of this move during the negotiation period was that land that would become available for land reform was moving into the hands of Africans. The new landowners would be against land reform, thus dividing the landless majority. The landless majority would remain at the mercy of landowners, black and white.
The pre-emption of land reform through The Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures Act of 1991 was not a pioneer act. The imminence of land reform prompted land sales in other countries. It has been demonstrated in Chile that land redistribution cannot be achieved through land sales. Nearly two-thirds of the buyers of land in Chile during the debate of agrarian reform were business people and professionals, another 14 percent already owned land. The only buyers who could afford the payments were those with incomes from other investments or professions. Absentee ownership was the rule among larger landholders; essentially land was turned into recreational facilities for absentee landholders (Brown, 1971).
Another example of the failure of land sales to redistribute land is Zimbabwe. Under the terms of the 1980 Lancaster House Constitution, land reform was to be through a market-based process, commonly referred to as the willing-seller-willing-buyer. By 1986, a Land Acquisition Act became necessary to release more land. The Act provided that the government be offered land first, and only when it had issued a 'certificate of no interest' could the land be sold on the open market. It also provided for the compulsory acquisition of land declared under-utilized or derelict.
However, by 1990, it was again necessary to have the Amendment of Land Acquisition Act. This entailed major shifts from the Lancaster Settlement including: land designation (i.e. not a willing seller); not more than one farm unit by one individual or company, with exceptions depending on merit; no absentee landowners; minimum and maximum farm sizes according to different ecological regions; and no agricultural land owned by foreigners. Thus, ten years after independence, the willing-seller-willing-buyer strategy was being discarded; it had failed to redistribute the land. Also, it has been reported that farms belonging to six Zimbabwean cabinet ministers and some senior state officials have been recommended for acquisition by the state for resettlement/land reform (Star International, 11-17/2/93).
In the light of the above examples, it is understandable why it is considered that the advocates of a market-based process in South Africa were only making cautious excuses for not being willing to give up white land, while recognizing that the present racial division of land must change.
Recent attempts towards a land reform
MOST POST-INDEPENDENCE AFRICAN governments had some form of land reform. In South Africa, the struggle for liberation was the struggle for land. Therefore, it is not only expected, but mandatory (Bruce, 1989).
The Constitution of South Africa Act No. 200 of 1993 provided for an Interim Constitution for a democratic South Africa, pending the writing of the Constitution by the Constitutional Assembly. The Interim Constitution provided significant parameters for land reform, for example, land is classified as a national function. Significantly, provinces cannot have different land reform policies, as these are the responsibility of the national Department of Land Affairs.
The Bill of Rights provides for protection of property rights. The different interpretations of this clause indicate that it is possible to use the provision to block land reform. Principles of equality, affirmative action and reconciliation are also embodied in the constitution. However, they are all subject to interpretation and may or may not promote land reform.
The government's Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) aims at redistributing 30 percent of land within a five-year period. There is, therefore, provision to purchase land through the different policies of housing and rural development.
The Interim Constitution is very detailed in how land reform is to be done. The government of national unity will redress the injustices of the past within a free market economy. Land reform will be market-based or demand-driven and needs-based to use the concepts used by the Department of Land Affairs.
The 1991 White Paper on Land Reform had singled out victims of forced removal to indicate that only the principle of a willing-seller-willing-buyer would constitute land reform, pointing out that restoration of land would not be feasible. Similarly, the 1993 Constitution singled out victims of forced removals as the only category of the landless majority that would become the beneficiary of land reform through restitution of land rights.
Restitution of land rights had already started in 1991 with the establishment of the ACLA by the apartheid government. Noting that the former government had pointed out that it would be a difficult task, it cannot redress the inequities of the past on its own. Consequently, the Department of Land Affairs has a three-pronged land reform policy - restitution, redistribution and tenure reform.
RESTITUTION
THE RESTITUTION OF LAND RIGHTS ACT No. 22 of 1994 is the first Land Act of the democratic government. In terms of this Act, a Commission on the Restitution of Land Rights and Land Claims Court were established in 1995. Both bodies were prescribed by the Interim Constitution.
The Land Act of 1994 was drawn by institutions and organizations that had assisted the communities fighting against forced removals and had assisted victims of forced removals to claim land from ACLA. Quintessentially, the Act does not provide for indigenous land rights. However, the landless majority as described above has put its hope for land on restitution. Indeed, land claims are on the lips of everybody, whether they qualify in terms of the Restitution Act or not.
The twist in the programme of restitution is that many communities have claim to land that is presently owned by other Africans. Table 2 shows categories of African land subject to land claims that have been identified in the Northern Province. Were such land claims to succeed, then the democratic government would have to carry out forced removals. Some of the affected would be those who had been victims of forced removals, as they were dumped on land claimed by other groups.
With the Restitution Act, provision for restoration of land is not feasible. Therefore, the above scenario of forced removals may not be valid. However, alternative land may be neither available nor affordable -even state land may be claimed by other groups or be used for other purposes of national importance.
The Restitution Act provides for just, market value compensation of land for restoration. This factor has not been appreciated by the present landowners, whose opposition to land restitution shows that they do not consider restitution a redress of past inequities. Their arguments range from food security and economic growth to war against communism.
Considering that the present landowners have to be willing sellers to enable restitution, the prospects for land reform under this category seem doomed. Even if the prospects were good, this category of land reform deals with less than 5 percent of the land - a wide margin in the 10:1 racial space, in favour of white.
The other controversy surrounds claims to land by different communities. Because of the lack of understanding of traditional African land-ownership, most commentators and even land claimants do not understand that such counter-claims do not constitute conflicting, fraudulent or even frivolous claims.
REDISTRIBUTION
THE CONCEPT OF REDISTRIBUTION IS USED officially to refer to the government programme of willing-seller-willing-buyer. This programme was also initiated by the apartheid government through the Distribution of Certain State Land Act No. 126 of 1993. It entails state assistance to landless households willing to buy land from willing sellers (private and state) through a Settlement or Land Acquisition Grant of up to R15 000 per household (R4.54=US$ 1, 1996). Qualification for access to the R5000 is an income of up to R1500 per month. But these beneficiaries, by definition, have low income and are not credit worthy. So a household cannot buy land on its own and therefore needs to form a group of buyers.
Inherent in the above land grant is the imperative for willing group or community buyers to have access to credit to supplement the land grant because R15 000 is not enough money for land purchase. Furthermore, the Agricultural Credit Board does not give credit to Trusts, which are the legal entities for the acquisition of land. The government's policy proposal for beneficiaries to use their livestock as collateral is a recipe for disaster.
Table 2 AFRICAN LAND SUBJECT TO LAND CLAIMS: NORTHERN PROVINCE, 1994-1995
Category
Example
Land bought by tribes
Sekhukhune tribe vs Mashabela tribe
Land allocated to tribes
Mamone tribe vs Vergelegen Community Kibi tribe vs Malebogo tribe Masha tribe vs Nchabeleng tribe
Land bought by communities
Bochum communities vs Malebogo tribe
Tribal land excised for establishment of townships
Lebowakgomo vs Mphahlele tribe Namakgale vs BaPhalaborwa tribes
Land allocated to bantustans
Gazankulu vs Venda tribes Gazankulu vs Lebowa tribes
Land allocated to tribes under 'apartheid chiefs'
Officially recognized tribes vs unrecognized chiefs. (Land claims coupled with claims for chieftaincy.)
Land allocated by ACLA to tribes and/or communities
Maja tribe vs Mmaboi community Makgoba tribe vs Bjatladi tribe
Land under lease from the state/bantustans
Venda leaseholder vs Manendze tribe
In line with the government policy of land reform, in the context of the alleviation of poverty and the improvement of household welfare, the strategy of land purchase is combined with a grant for settlement. In effect, the beneficiary household may use the R15 000 grant to improve their settlements and/or tenure conditions.
Communal or tribal land has never been purchased, except for a brief period between the advent of whites in South Africa and the 1936 Land Act when Africans were prohibited from buying land. Even the apartheid government failed to eradicate the system of communal tenure under tribal rule.
The Interim Constitution has guaranteed the existence of Chieftaincy. Chieftaincy does not exist in a vacuum, but goes together with land. Tribal groups have continued to demand land from the democratic government, just as they did with the apartheid government. The government policy of land purchase is, therefore, not a response to the land demands of the majority population.
A number of people have formed Community Trusts to access the Land Acquisition Grant. The distribution of the projects registered is reflected in Table 3. The provincial variation in the number of projects is a reflection of the concentration of work by the former (pre-1994) Department of Regional and Land Affairs.
The Land Reform (Labour Tenants) Bill of 1995 is currently under discussion. Labour tenants as described in the Bill excludes the majority of Africans who have remained on the white racial space, despite the onslaught on Kaffir farming dating back to 1913. However, those who are covered by the Bill will qualify for the Land Acquisition Grant. Hence, the strong opposition to the Bill has come from the South African Agricultural Union. Considering that the present farmers have to be willing sellers of land that is presently used by labour tenants, the prospects for land reform under this category are doomed.
In addition to the regular hardships of labour tenancy, the imminence of land reform has exacerbated the evictions of labour tenants and farm workers/residents. For example, it was reported in 1992 that in a 10-year period, the depopulation of rural areas was at the alarming rate of 11 000 to 22 000 inhabitants per rural town in the Transvaal and Orange Free State.
A generally unacknowledged fact is that the exacerbation of evictions from the white farmland has added to the overcrowding in communal/tribal land. Yet, there is no provision in the land reform (redistribution) policy to respond directly to the land demands of tribal groups.
Table 3 LAND FOR REDISTRIBUTION THROUGH THE REDISTRIBUTION PROGRAMME 1993-95 AT R73 529 MILLION
Province
Area (ha)
Mpumalanga
10 142
Kwazulu-Natal
9 184
Northern Cape
6830
Eastern Cape
2 370
North West
859
Gauteng
-
Free State
-
Northern Province
-
Western Cape
-
Total
29 385
TENURE REFORM
THERE HAS BEEN A CONSISTENT TREND TO avoid issues of land reform, i.e. redistribution by concentrating on land tenure reform (the redistribution of land rights in South Africa's communal/tribal land). From the Glen Grey Act of 1894 to the Upgrading of Land Tenure Rights Act of 1991, there has been an attempt by the government, with the support of academics, to convert communal/tribal land tenure into freehold ownership.
The official rationale for the conversion has changed from time to time (see Table 4). Government policy presently recognizes the diversity of land tenure systems. However, upgrading is still advocated for reasons of equality. The interim constitutional provisions for equality before the law and no discrimination on the ground of inter alia, race and gender, have been the key weapons against both communal tenure and customary law.
A combination of upgrading of land rights by individuals within communal/tribal land, and the fact that there are no plans to increase communal tribal land through the government redistribution programme, may finally destroy the system of communal tenure by the democratic government.
Conclusion
WRITING ELSEWHERE THE AUTHOR HAS stated that:
"Confiscation and compensation are the least of the problems that will be faced in the redistribution of land by the future majority government. One issue that will have to be resolved is how to transfer the land to the landless majority population, that is, what social production relations will be chosen by the people" (Letsoalo, 1994,: 214).
The negotiated political settlement in South Africa precluded any confiscation of land. The inevitability of this was no excuse for the provisions in the property clause that: on expropriation, compensation shall be at market-value; that only land rights lost after 1913 shall be restored; and that beneficiaries of land reform shall buy land from the state and private landowners.
The present analysis shows that the land reform policies are based on the market economy. The apartheid government was responsible for this strategy, since the mixed economy that was preached by the Liberation Movement was never clearly spelled out.
The final Constitution of South Africa is expected by 9 May 1996. Therefore, the prospects for an authentic land reform are still open. Indeed, major role-players in the land policy debate, namely, the National Land Committee and the African National Congress, have called for a non-market-based land reform and a more land reform-friendly property clause, respectively (NLC, 1995; and Pretoria News 31/1/96).
Table 4 CHANGING LAND TENURE POLICIES, 1950-1991
A. TENURE
1950s*
®
REJECTION OF CONVERSION TO FREEHOLD
1980s**
®
COERCION TO FREEHOLD
1990s***
®
UPGRADING TO FREEHOLD (Pre-Independence)
1990s****
®
UPGRADING TO FREEHOLD (Post-Apartheid)
®
TRUST vs TRIBE
* Culture **Modernization ***Equality ****Equality & Security
B. ACCESS
1913
®
RESERVES
1936
®
TRUST ® ALLOCATION
1991
®
ABOLITION OF 1913 & 1936 LAND ACTS
1991
®
WILLING-SELLER-WILLING-BUYER
The emotive response from both the present landowners and potential beneficiaries of land reform shows that the government's reconciliation and RDP cannot be achieved with a land reform policy that ensures that the beneficiaries of apartheid are compensated justifiably, while the former victims of apartheid have to pay for the land. The route to follow is for the government to use the same resources intended to subsidize willing buyers for the purchase of land and its free redistribution to the poor landless majority for residential and productive purposes.
Bibliography
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Another dispossession? African Law Review, Tenth Anniversary Celebration Issue, p. 28-30.
Letsoalo, E.M. (1994)
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The Economics of small-holder sugar cane production in Natal, ini Weiner, D. and R. Levin (eds) Community perspectives on land and agrarian reform in South Africa, Project report for the MacArthur Foundation, Chicago.
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Labels: APARTHEID, LAND REFORM, SOUTH AFRICA
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