Saturday, February 16, 2013

(NEWZIMBABWE) Gono, Kasukuwere: end the mutual destruction

Gono, Kasukuwere: end the mutual destruction
15/02/2013 00:00:00
by Mai Jukwa

FOLLOWING the historic land reform programme in which President Robert Mugabe’s government forcibly reclaimed land that had been possessed through violent British conquest, Zimbabwe has given birth to an indestructible seed – the idea that Africans can own their resources and enjoy greater control of their own economies.

Many African states will soon realise their folly and implement the exact same policies we have in Zimbabwe. This execution will perhaps be more elegant, but that elegance is born of the luxury of hindsight that we as pioneers could never enjoy.

The nature of British conquest is that the empire never relinquishes control of resources. It is for this reason that you find the Australian Aboriginals living on the periphery of society in their own land.

In Kenya, British aristocrats still hold control of vast tracts of land and wield considerable economic power. But there are no Kenyans farming in Britain. Indeed the British press routinely howls in disapproval at the acquisition of football clubs and infrastructure by wealthy Russians and Arab royalty. How is it they cannot understand the Africans distress at having his entire continent held ransom by foreign profiteers?

The idea of indigenous people owning the means of production is sacrosanct. There can be no debate over this matter. As the sun of enlightenment continues to rise over our continent, this voice of reason will grow louder and louder and louder until the imperialists can bear it no more and scream in surrender falling to their knees as they submit to the will of the people. There can be no other way. We are going to take the remaining lands and we will certainly implement indigenisation. We are open to debating implementation but certainly not the principle.

I pray you forgive my turgid introduction, but this is an open letter of chastisement to Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono and Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere.

I felt it necessary to remind them of the context in which we are waging this economic battle. We are standing as game changers and must be ever conscious of our responsibilities, not only to Zimbabwe but also to the continent at large.

The back and forth between these two gentlemen is not the stuff of whispers; indeed it has been played out in full view of the media. But the question I must ask these two men is what precisely are they fighting over? Is it on the principle of ownership or on the implementation of the policy?

I will remind the two of a history I am sure they are well aware of. The import of this history is that revolutions are rarely ever the thing of elegance. When the learned Professor Jonathan Moyo demanded that state media broadcast 70 percent local content, there was widespread outrage amongst those whose vision does not see beyond the next meal.

At the time, the implementation was not as elegant as some would have preferred, but the good professor stood his ground. Today, Zimbabwe enjoys a thriving Urban Grooves industry with celebrities such as Winky D routinely flying abroad to entertain the Diaspora. It takes time for good policy to bear fruit.

The same is true of the Land Reform that was previously slammed as poorly executed. Today, we read conceding reports from Western academics accepting that production is on the up and recovery is certain. I am sure all of us were overjoyed at the recent reports of an extraordinary tobacco harvest. Good policy takes time and often seems messy at onset.

Of necessity, I must ask again what these two gentlemen are fighting over. Is it over the principle of indigenous ownership itself or over the implementation? The only manner in which this adolescent squabble can be resolved is if the terms of the argument are made clear. Reading their submissions, I can safely conclude that Gono objects largely on the grounds of implementation.

Gono is man of impressive imagination and I applaud him for his acumen in policy drafting. His article – Indigenisation: Aiming for Fuller Participation – is a beautiful piece of genius and has quickly received the applause it deserves. I would encourage the government to put it to the currently sitting parliament, as I see nothing that either the MDC or Zanu PF could object to in that document.

However, there is a very serious flaw in the manner in which Gono and Kasukuwere are interacting. These men who are meant to be partners in government seem to be locked in a political fight to the death. Their enmity is not a secret.

Their problem lies in that Gono seems to feel that his model for empowerment is mutually exclusive with the current drive. This is certainly not the case; both policies can be run concurrently. It is not a case of either or, my way or the highway. That is not how government works. Both policies are wonderful and should be implemented.

I cannot see why companies that have complied with the indigenisation directive cannot be directed to source 51% of their inputs from indigenously owned SME’s. In the same vein, I cannot see how the current model is disruptive to Gono’s vision.

I am made to understand in such a way as to believe it that Gono has not sought to assist the process with humility. He has not offered his expertise unconditionally but has stood at the sidelines picking faults in a manner that could be interpreted as malevolent.

Instead of offering no-political-strings-attached help, Gono has taken to the podium and publicly voiced his disapproval. This is an unhelpful and provocative approach especially seeing that Kasukuwere is simply implementing government policy, which has been signed off by cabinet. The notion that Kasukuwere has single-handedly engineered the indigenisation drive is dishonest and those who believe it are naïve.

In this way, Gono has allowed himself to be used as a poster boy by disingenuous forces that feign disapproval on implementation grounds when in fact they disagree as a matter of policy. These Rhodesians live amongst us and count the likes of Tony Hawkins in their ranks.

For his part, Saviour Kasukuwere has made the error of responding to Gono’s taunts in public. It makes for an ugly scene. In addition to that, I feel that Kasukuwere should indeed take heed of Gono’s proposals and support their implementation, as they are not contrary to his current efforts.

At a time when the elections are fast looming, having the central bank viciously challenging a key component of our campaign model is unhelpful. What brings us together is far greater than what sets us apart gentlemen. Come together, have dinner, discuss this and put it behind you.

Amai Jukwa is a loving mother of three. She respects Robert Mugabe, is amused by Tsvangirai and feels sorry for Mutambara. Follower her on Twitter @AmaiJukwa

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(NEWZIMBABWE) Chiefs fronting for white farmers: Mugabe

Chiefs fronting for white farmers: Mugabe
15/02/2013 00:00:00
by Staff Reporter

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has threatened to take action against chiefs and senior government officials he accused of leasing their lands to white ex-farmers disposed under the country’s land reforms.

Addressing a conference for the traditional leaders in Masvingo Friday, Mugabe said he was aware some chiefs were being used as fronts by white ex-farmers returning to the

“Please tibatsirei machiefs and stop being fronts for former white farmers nekuti kana tanzwa kuti kuna chief anemurungu wake papurazi tinozouya kwamuri toti tiudzei mutupo wake,” the Zanu PF leader said.

“We do not want to end up repossessing some of the farms that we gave you under the land reform programme, but we know a lot of things that are happening on the farms.

“We know a lot of things that some of you do not even know and it’s not chiefs alone who are fronting for the white men there are even some senior Government officials who are being used by whites. Beware!’’

Mugabe said the country’s land reform programme – widely condemned as unjust and racist by the West – was part of a programme aimed at giving Zimbabweans complete control of the country.

“When we first took our land from the whites we knew that we were on the first stage of transferring wealth from whites to blacks and mabhunu celebrated kuti vari kutora mapurazi oga vanhu vatema asi isu we have the minerals and control the industries,” he said.

“We knew exactly that we were on the first stage of taking our resources after we had educated our people from 1980 when we started building schools in all parts of the country.

“We now have many educated people and we should now move to assume total control of our natural resources. We can now stand on our own. Tinokwanisa kuzvitonga iye zvino chaizvo izvo,’’he said.

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(TALKZIMBABWE) Dr J Nkomo’s speech at Lancaster House 1979

Dr J Nkomo’s speech at Lancaster House 1979
This article was written by Our reporter on 14 February, at 18 : 47 PM

IN 1979, leaders of the Patriotic Front (of Zanu and Zapu) participated in a Constitutional Conference at Lancaster House, London. The purpose of the Conference was to discuss and reach agreement on the terms of an Independence Constitution for Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia). The Conference opened on 10 September under the chairmanship of Lord Carrington, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. The Conference concluded on 15 December, after 47 plenary sessions. Below is a statement made by Dr Joshua Nkomo on behalf of his and Mr Robert Mugabe’s delegation.

Full Text of Speech

Mr Nkomo: Mr Chairman, first I would like to apologise to the Conference, through you, that we in the first place requested that we had some time, as given in our letter, and secondly that we still were late. We apologise for that to the Conference.

Mr Chairman, the Patriotic Front is going to give a statement that represents the Front. Mr Mugabe and myself are presenting this statement on behalf of our group.

The Patriotic Front, deeply conscious of the need to bring an end to racism and colonialism which continue to plague the people of Zimbabwe, welcomes the British Government’s stated aim to assist in this task of decolonisation. We have come to London to attend this Conference in response to the invitation recently extended to us by you, Mr Chairman, on behalf of the British Government. For us our presence here is by itself an act of immense sacrifice. The scarce material resources we have had to divert and the manpower we must of necessity tie down in London for the duration of this Conference should be enough evidence of our seriousness and good faith. We have always said that we will leave no stone unturned in our struggle for the total liquidation of colonialism in Zimbabwe.

In particular we welcome the fact that the British Government now states that it is prepared to help bring genuine majority rule to our country, Zimbabwe. We are anxious to discover whether that is in fact the intention. Equally we wish to make our position absolutely clear and understood in order to facilitate frank and meaningful discussions.

The unique reality of the situation is that for many years now a major war of national liberation has been raging in our country. This arose from the single tragic fact that Britain failed to meet her decolonisation responsibilities even in the face of the continuing of flagrant illegal acts of the secular minority which challenges the people of Zimbabwe to take up arms and decolonise themselves. Thus we are faced with the task of a peace Conference.

British secular colonisation in Zimbabwe presented special problems which did not disappear by being ignored for decades. The war is an additional special problem and cannot be ignored if it is to end.

To achieve decolonisation comparable to that in other Commonwealth states we must first achieve the basic conditions for the movement to independence which existed in those countries. That was peace, safety and security for all, in the context of which an independent state would be governed according to the agreed constitution by a government elected by a people who were essentitally free and secure when they chose their government. That essential preliminary situation does not yet prevail in Zimbabwe and even an accepted and agreed constitution will not create it. It is our basic task here to create those conditions.

Mr Chairman, the extent and character of the war of national liberation must be made perfectly clear. Ninety per cent of the country is covered by this war: the towns and cities are surrounded by and often penetrated by the armed struggle. Parts of the country the regime has written off and abandoned: these we term the liberated areas. In other areas the regime can only achieve a temporary daily presence with punitive raids on the villages: these we term the semi-liberated areas. The remaining contested areas include the towns and the citadels of the regime which we are poised to conquer. Thus the Patriotic Front has now responsibilities not only to fight but also to ensure peace, order and good government – the ‘problem of success’ – inside Zimbabwe.

Clearly it is not our purpose in coming to London to betray or abandon any of these victories of the people of Zimbabwe who have partly liberated themselves and are continuing the task precisely because Britain failed to carry out her responsibilities.

This Conference is not only unique in British colonial history because it must achieve peace as well as a future constitution: it is unique because this is the first time that two decolonising forces have to co-operate in this task. The Patriotic Front representing the people of Zimbabwe are here as the effective decolonising factor, while Britain is here asserting her diminished legal authority. In this connection it must be pointed out that Britain, despite its claimed experience in decolonisation has had no success in Zimbabwe or did not give any determined effort. The task has had to be undertaken by the people themselves. Through their sweat and blood the process is well on its way. The most positive proof of this is the admission of Britain’s agent in the form of the declaration of martial law in over nearly 90 per cent of the total area of the country.

Yet we are more aware than any of the destruction and tragic toll of our struggle, of the regime’s continued ability and increasing determination to wreak havoc and mass destruction. It is thus our vital responsibility to achieve genuine independence, thereby bringing about peace and putting an end to the prevailing anarchy and chaos. This is no longer a solely British responsibility; we must – and our presence here demonstrates our will to do so – work together with Britain.

We have stated before and we repeat the fact that the Patriotic Front and the achievements of the Zimbabwean people are essential factors in the decolonising process. We have to do this together. This is vital.

The task of this peace Conference is to ensure through an indivisible comprehensive agreement the irreversible transfer of power to the people of Zimbabwe. This is one continuous interdependent process. It is complex but does not lend itself to piecemeal treatment. The critical period leading to independence is as vital as the independence constitution itself. In practice the task of creating a suitable constitution for the crucial transitional period will serve the ultimate task of agreeing a constitutional model for independence for our country and assist us in that undertaking in understanding one another’s constitutional preferences. There must be no doubt about the freedom and fairness of the context of pre- independence elections. As the recent history of our land so eloquently demonstrates, treachery, tribalism and mass murder is all that can result from a false solution. To accept such a Zimbabwe would be a betrayal of our people, of our principles and quite simply (since dead and detained men can neither canvass nor cast votes) a betrayal of ourselves. We must remember here that it has always been, and it remains, the basic objective of the Patriotic Front to ensure that government of a genuine free Zimbabwe is based upon free and fair elections. We have said this, Mr Chairman, several times. We were the initiators of the principle of universal adult suffrage in Zimbabwe, in the face of its constant rejection by Britain herself and the minority regime in that country.

Zimbabwe must be a sovereign republic in which the sovereign nation pursues its own destiny, totally unshackled by any fetters or constraints.

The sovereign Zimbabwean people must, acting through their own freely chosen representatives in parliament, be free and fully vested with the power to exercise complete dominion over resources from time to time as need arises. They must be free to reorganise the social, political and economic institutions and structures and be free to shape their own destiny as a nation without having to pander to any racial, ethnic, tribal, religious, social or other interests or differences.

The safety and survival of the republic must be the sacred trust of the Zimbabwean nation, not the pawn in the hands of mercenaries and other alien adventurers and agents. We are irrevocably committed to the position that the Zimbabwean people, by whose blood and sacrifice colonialism was exorcised from the land, must themselves be the perpetual guarantors of sovereignty in the face of all challenges, domestic or foreign. Liberation and the process leading thereto must, once agreed, be irrevocable and irreversible. We know no other way of ensuring this than strict adherence to the principle that the people and their forces who have toppled minority rule must be entrusted with the task of ensuring that colonialism, under whatever guise, will not return to plague the nation once again.
Justice will not occur by accident in a sovereign Zimbabwe, nor will its administration and dispensation remain in the hands of privileged minority. It must conform to the social and cultural values of the Zimbabwe people themselves.

The socio-economic system must conform to the people’s sense of justice, democracy and fair play.

These and similar goals, cherished vigorously by our people, and for which thousands now lie in mass graves throughout Zimbabwe, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Angola must not be betrayed or compromised. In the past many people present here in Lancaster House, but who are now our antagonists cherished them too. It is personal ambition and greed that propelled them into betrayal and treason. We are sworn not to follow their example.

At this stage, Mr Chairman, having seen both the British proposals and yesterday’s statement by Lord Carrington, we find the British proposals are too vague for us to judge whether they are adequate to our comprehensive task. The British Government must now be prepared to take us into their confidence and show us what their real proposals are. This is very essential if we are to discuss with clarity of mind. The present outline states no more than some of the elements of any constitution but contains also certain aspects which are very different from the normal British pattern and are also seriously retrogressive as compared with earlier British proposals such as the Anglo- American proposals.

It avoids the real issues which should be brought before this Conference and solved. Only by dealing with them can we hope to leave here and return to freedom and the prospect of peace and tranquillity in our country, Zimbabwe.

The essential questions we have posed constantly to ourselves and which we insist must be understood by all seriously concerned with a solution include the following:-

1. Will the people of Zimbabwe be really sovereign and be able to exercise their sovereign authority?
2. Whose army shall defend Zimbabwe and its people? It must be noted here that 60% of the present white army are mercenaries.
3. Whose police force shall protect the people of Zimbabwe?
4. What type of administration and judiciary shall serve the people of our country, Zimbabwe?
5. Will any ethnic, religious, tribal or other group be able to hold the rest of the people of Zimbabwe
6. How do we create the situation for the holding of free and fair elections?
7. Whose laws will govern such elections?
8. In particular, apart from the British supervisors and the Commonwealth observers, who will administer the elections and ensure the safety of the voters and candidates?
9. What will be the future of the people’s land?

These and similar issues are those which should be placed on the agenda of this Conference and before the world if real peace is to return to our beloved Zimbabwe. The time for evasion is long past and we insist that the final phase of decolonisation be seriously pursued now by the British and by ourselves.

We have won that position by our own sacrifice, our own struggle, our own blood. We are not requesting anybody to bestow this right on us. We have done it ourselves. We continue to do it.

Thank you, Mr Chairman.

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(NEWZIMBABWE) Belgium, UK agree Marange sanctions lift

Belgium, UK agree Marange sanctions lift
15/02/2013 00:00:00

DIAMONDS from Zimbabwe's Marange fields are set to return to EU markets following a deal reached this week between Belgium and the UK.

EU diplomatic sources say Belgian foreign minister Didier Reynders, the main sponsor of the idea, and Britain's William Hague, its main opponent, clinched the agreement during a phone call on Thursday. Other EU countries are expected to follow suit at a meeting on foreign policy in Brussels on Monday.

The Marange region attracted global attention in 2009 when the New-York-based NGO, Human Rights Watch, claimed that soldiers were using murder and torture to force local people to dig for stones.

The NGO also alleged that diamond money was being siphoned off to President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF party to help keep the veteran leader in power.

Under the Anglo-Belgian compromise, the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), which runs the Marange mining operation, is to be taken off the EU blacklist later this month.
But EU ministers will in a statement on Monday warn Mugabe that it will go back on if he rigs elections, expected in July.

The "vast majority" of the 112 people on the blacklist are also to be taken off, the diplomatic sources noted. Mugabe himself and most of the 10 other companies on the register are to stay in place for now.

For his part, a Belgian foreign ministry spokesman, Joren Vandeweyer, told EUobserver that Zimbabwe has changed for the better in the past three years.

"The human rights situation has improved. There's a government of national unity and agreement on a draft constitution. There will be a referendum on the constitution in the coming weeks and elections shortly after that … Belgium thinks it's important to encourage these democratic changes," he said.

He noted that EU sanctions have prompted ZMDC to sell diamonds on the black market, making it easier to siphon off money than if it operated under normal conditions.
He added that the cheap black market stones are also undermining the competitiveness of European diamond firms.

"These black market diamonds have no control. No certification. No Kimberly Process. Nothing. So the companies which invest money to comply with all the regulations on transparency and so on are being punished," he said, referring to an international process to keep so-called conflict diamonds out of shops.

The Belgian city of Antwerp is home to one of the world's largest diamond exchanges, which provides work for 34,000 people and generates sales of $45 billion a year.

But up and coming traders in India and in the United Arab Emirates, which do not have to comply with EU sanctions, are gobbling up business.

Meanwhile, according to state newspapers, ZMDC aims to more than double its output of diamonds from 8 million carats last year to 16.9 million in 2013.

Some rights groups have accused Belgium of cynicism.

"Belgium is trying to convince EU countries to lift this ban in order to trade and make profits with these companies," the New-York-based Avaaz group said in a statement this week.

Others agree that Zimbabwe is changing, but say that Britain, the former colonial power in the country, and the rest of the EU are moving too fast.

The London-based NGO Global Witness says ZMDC is still channelling money to pro-Mugabe security forces amid fears he plans to use violence and intimidation to get votes in July.

The group's diamonds specialist, Emily Armistead, told this website that even if delisting the firm helps to clean up its accountancy procedures, the benefit will be felt in the long term, while the Mugabe militias stand to get rich quick on new EU sales in the next few months.

"Let's wait and see if there are free and fair elections, and then see what the EU can do to help the transition process," she said.

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Friday, February 15, 2013

Untimely inaction is worse than untimely action'

Untimely inaction is worse than untimely action'
By The Post
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

It is said that while virtue must be nourished, vice springs up spontaneously like weeds and grows by itself. For if good ideas foster other good ideas, bad things can foster, on the other hand, other bad things.

Likewise, if we allow impunity for wrongdoers, we are paving way for more wrongdoing. If we allow those who plunder, those who steal public resources, abusing their public offices to get away with it, we are paving way for more and more plunder, more and more corruption, endless abuses of public offices and resources.

It is therefore important that we do not lose sight of this fact in the case of the corruption of Rupiah Banda and his league. We have learnt what happens when militancy over corruption is lost. When we lost our militancy over the corruption of Frederick Chiluba, Rupiah seized the opportunity to let him get away with it so that in turn, he can get away with his own corruption. There is a sort of chain of events here.

We should therefore not allow wrong things, wrongdoing to go unchallenged. If we don't take action now, we will have to pay a much higher price tomorrow for our inaction. To use Lenin's words, untimely inaction would eventually be worse than untimely action.

We have given Rupiah and his league too much time and too much room to manoeuvre over their corruption. Ask yourself: "If I don't take action now, what will it ultimately cost me?"

It is said that when a procrastinator has finally made up his or her mind, the opportunity has usually passed by. Edwin Markum said, "When duty comes knocking at your gate, welcome him in; for if you bid him wait, he will depart only to come once more and bring seven other duties to your door."

There is a lesson to learn here in the way we have dealt with Rupiah. It is close to a year and half now since Rupiah left government. And he has been moving around the world mobilising support, hiring all sorts of agents to protect him when the time for him to account for his corruption comes.

Clearly, what you put off until tomorrow, you will probably put off tomorrow too. Success comes to the person who does today what others were thinking of doing tomorrow. The lazier a person is, the more he or she is going to do the next day. Likewise, we have to do more today to get Rupiah and his corrupt league to account for their corruption. "All problems become smaller if you don't dodge them, but confront them. Touch a thistle timidly, and it pricks you; grasp it boldly, and its spines crumble" (William Halsey).

We have wasted time. We did not do yesterday what could have been done yesterday. It is said that wasting time wastes your life. "By the street of By and By, one arrives at the house of never," pondered Miguel de Cervantes. It is also said that a lazy person doesn't go through life - he or she is pushed through it. "The wise man does at once what the fool does finally" (Balthasar Gracian).

"Someday" is not a day of the week. Doing nothing is the most tiresome job in the world. When you won't start, you difficulties won't stop. Tackle any difficulty now - the longer you wait, the bigger it grows. Procrastinators never have small problems because they always wait until their problems grow.
In the game of life, nothing is less important than the score at halftime. "The tragedy of life is not that man loses, but that he almost wins" (Haywood Broun).

Don't leave before the miracle happens! Robert Louis Stevenson commented that "saints are sinners who kept on going." The race is not always to the swift but to those who keep on running. Some people wait so long the future is gone before they get there.

The first step to overcoming procrastination is to eliminate all excuses for not taking action. The second step is not to be so busy! Everyone is always on the move. People are moving forward, backward, and sometimes nowhere at all, as though they are on the treadmill.

The mistake most people make is in thinking that the main goal of life is to stay busy. This is a trap. What is important is not whether you are busy but whether you are progressing; the question is one of activity versus accomplishment.

A gentleman named John Henry Fabre conducted an experiment with processionary caterpillars, so named because they have a habit of blindly following each other no matter how they are lined up or where they are going. In his research, Fabre placed these tiny creatures in a circle. For 24 hours, the caterpillars dutifully followed one another round and round and round. Then Fabre placed the caterpillars round a saucer full of pine needles, their favourite food.

For six days, the mindless creatures moved round and round the saucer, dying from starvation and exhaustion even though an abundance of choice food was located less than two centimetres away. The caterpillars were extremely active, but they were not accomplishing anything.

We should be known as those who accomplish great things for God - not as those who simply talk about it. Procrastinators are good at talking, not doing. It is said that noise produces nothing. And that a hen who has merely laid an egg cackles as though she has laid an asteroid.

We must be like the apostles. These men are not known for their policies, procedures, theories, or excuses but for their acts.
It is said that the cost of growth is always less than the cost of stagnation. As Edmund Burke warned, "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."

Occasionally you may see someone who doesn't do anything though appearing to be successful in life. Don't be deceived. Remember the old saying: "Even a broken clock is right twice a day."

Most people who sit round, waiting for their ship to come in, often find it is hardship. Those things that come to a person who waits seldom turn out to be the things he or she's waited for. It is said that the hardest work in the world is that which should have been done yesterday. It is also said that hard work is usually an accumulation of easy things that should have been done last week.

Sir Josiah Stamp said, "It is easy to dodge our responsibilities, but we cannot dodge the consequences of dodging our responsibilities." William James reflected, "Nothing is so fatiguing as the eternal hanging on of an uncompleted task."

When people delay action until all factors are perfect, they do nothing. Jimmy Lyons mused, "Tomorrow is the only day in the year that appeals to a lazy man."
It is said that procrastination is the grave in which opportunity is buried. Anybody who brags about what one's going to do tomorrow probably did the same thing yesterday. Few things are more dangerous to a person's character than having nothing to do and plenty time in which to do it. Killing time is not murder, it's suicide. Two things rob people of their peace of mind: work unfinished, and work not yet begun.

The Bible promises no loaves to the loafer. "A man with nothing to do does far more strenuous 'labour' than any other form of work. But my greatest pity is for the man who dodges a job he knows he should do. He is a shirker, and boy! What punishment he takes…from himself" (E.R. Collcord).

Clearly, we have to carve out a future; we shouldn't just whittle away the time.

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Rupiah seeking asylum in South Africa, says Sata

COMMENT - The UPND and MMD are trying to play victim to the international gallery. They know they can't take their case to the Zambian people - because no one likes thieves and sell-outs.

Rupiah seeking asylum in South Africa, says Sata
By Roy Habaalu
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 14:50 CAT
By Roy Habaalu, Moses Kuwema and Kombe Chimpinde

PRESIDENT Michael Sata says Rupiah Banda went to South Africa to seek criminal asylum. On Tuesday, UPND president Hakainde Hichilema, MMD president Nevers Mumba, their lawyer Sakwiba Sikota and some NGOs held a press conference in South Africa to attract international sympathy for former president Banda, who is facing corruption-related allegations and accused the government of, among other things, harassing and intimidating, as well as attacking members of the opposition.

The opposition leaders accused President Sata of trying to enforce a one-party state on Zambians. But President Sata said even if Banda went to hide outside the country, he would be extradited home to face charges and have his immunity removed.

Speaking when he swore in UPND member of parliament Greyford Monde as deputy minister of agriculture, President Sata said South African President Jacob Zuma would not give Banda asylum. He said the only person who was clean among those that went to South Africa was Sikota.

"When people are hiding, you don't know what they are doing because a person is seeking asylum but he doesn't know that we can go to South Africa and extradite him and come and remove his immunity here (Zambia). So the only person who was clean out of those who went there was Saki. Nevers Mumba, HH (Hakainde Hichilema) they were all looking for criminal asylum and the President of South Africa is not going to give Rupiah Banda, HH and Mumba asylum. They should come and sing the song here in Zambia," President Sata said.

President Sata told Monde that serving people in his constituency should take precedence over loyalty to an individual. He congratulated him for joining the government in serving the people and developing the country.

"Welcome, I know Itezhi-tezhi very well but belonging to a small organisation like UPND which is one-man centred, there is nothing you can do in Itezhi-tezhi. You can't work on a road from Itezhi-tezhi to Kalomo, on a road from Itezhi-tezhi to Mazabuka, and Itezhi-tezhi to Monze now you have come to a larger family. The people must come first, people first you second because if you think someone says don't join the government at least me I will provide you with an office, vehicle, driver, fuel which the party you were belonging to didn't give you," President Sata said.

Meanwhile, President said the government would file an injunction against UPND if it expelled Monde from the party.
"Mr Mulenga help this man (Monde) when they expel him. We will go to court," President Sata told health deputy minister Christopher Mulenga.

And UPND yesterday U-turned on the expulsion on Monde.

UPND deputy spokesperson Cornelius Mweetwa said his party has no immediate intentions of expelling Monde following his appointment as deputy minister.

In an interview, Mweetwa said the UPND had not yet decided to expel Monde. He said it was premature for President Sata to urge Monde to go to court. Mweetwa, however, said the UPND's National Management Committee would soon sit to look at the discipline of its members who go against the party position. He said it was only after this meeting that the party position on Monde would be arrived at.

"The party is going to convene an NMC meeting within a space of days not even weeks because this is the matter of utmost importance because
it is bordering on undermining our greatest asset in the party, which is party discipline and unity," he said.

Mweetwa observed that Monde's appointment into government was an act to plant a seed of disunity in a very united and disciplined party.
"There are no special qualities that one can claim Monde is endowed with. He is being used as a broom to sweep dirt for the PF to try and promote disunity in the party as a member of the UPND who is pulling in the opposite direction other than what the party is doing," he said.

"He can go ahead but he should know that his days are numbered. There were people who had personal political stamina, strength and a relative thick skin like Major Robbie Chizyuka, but people did not follow him. Monde is still in political kindergarten," said Mweetwa.
Meanwhile, MMD President Nevers Mumba says lifting Banda's immunity was a useless exercise.

Mumba said at a briefing shortly after his arrival from South Africa, where he and other opposition and civil society leaders held a press conference to denounce what he described as government's continued violation of human rights, that his members of parliament would not be subjected to a chorus of what was not making sense.

"Our members of parliament are not going to join a chorus that doesn't make sense. We think it's a useless exercise," Mumba said. "The issue of the immunity of Banda does not arise for us. We know what we have gone through as a country. President Levy Mwanawasa went to Parliament and read out a list of charges against the former president (Fredrick) Chiluba and that he had offended the Zambians and he had stolen so much money. By the time the case came to court, none of those allegations that were levelled against him in Parliament were ever brought to him in court. It also ended that only the taxpayers' money was wasted."

Mumba said Banda's actions were justified, as they were representing Zambians.
"(Lifting of the immunity)It is an exercise in futility because let me tell you something; the reasons presidents are given immunity is because they are going to make decisions that are critical and sometimes illegal decisions in order to serve a country," he said.

"They are going to make a decision maybe to go to war or they are going to make a decision to support a group somewhere in order to preserve the interests of the country," he said.
Mumba said that if Banda's immunity was lifted, he would be susceptible to prosecution even from the international community on decisions that he made while in office.

And Mumba dismissed President Sata's allegation that he, Banda and Hakainde Hichilema had gone to South Africa to seek criminal asylum as a lie.
"I understand that the President has today insinuated that HH, myself had gone to seek asylum in South Africa. For him to wish that we would go to seek asylum shows that he dreams of this country being a one party state and I would love to tell the President that he has lied to the Zambians once again. Lies cannot sustain governance. There is no need for us to seek asylum," he said.

Mumba claimed he had been cleared of alleged misuse of public resources by the office of the Auditor General.

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Commonwealth should make own assessment of Zambia - Mpasa

Commonwealth should make own assessment of Zambia - Mpasa
By Godfrey Chikumbi in Kawambwa
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

COMMONWEALTH member states should treat allegations of human rights abuses by Zambian opposition leaders as mere falsehoods, says Catholic Vicar General for Mansa Fr Mambwe Mpasa.

Commenting on claims in South Africa by UPND's Hakainde Hichilema, MMD's Nevers Mumba and ULP's Sakwiba Sikota that the country was experiencing injustices and human rights abuses at the hands of the PF government, Fr Mpasa said the three opposition leaders' allegations were exaggerations resulting from impatience and panic.

Father Mpasa said the Commonwealth was well aware of the peace and tranquility that Zambia, as its member country, was enjoying hence listening to the three opposition leaders' opinions would be wrong.
He said by advocating for the suspension of Zambia from the Commonwealth, the three opposition leaders were not caring for the Zambians they claimed they were representing.

"Who will be affected if the Commonwealth slaps sanctions our country? It is the ordinary Zambian," said Fr Mpasa.
Fr Mpasa said the opposition leaders were lying about the situation on human rights in Zambia because the alleged abuses had not reached alarming levels to warrant suspension from the Commonwealth.

He said by choosing to address the press on foreign soil, the opposition leaders were washing dirty linen in public because they abandoned domestic avenues to sort their problems out in a foreign country.
"Why go to such extremes when there is nothing alarming? Why choose to seek international attention at the expense of domestic avenues to air your grievances?" asked Fr Mpasa.

He explained that Zambians had not complained about any human rights abuses as was alleged by the opposition leaders.
"Zambians are old enough to decipher right from wrong. They are able to speak out when their rights are abused. It would therefore be wrong for the Commonwealth member states to take as gospel truth unwarranted opinions by three political characters," said Fr Mpasa.

"Let us learn to be truthful; there is no need to lie about situations in the country when all is well. If there are human rights abuses our courts are more than able to deal with such," he said.
"Leaders in the Commonwealth know that we are a true democratic nation and our people have not been subjected to the alleged injustices by those leaders," said Fr Mpasa.

Fr Mpasa urged Commonwealth members to conduct their own observations about Zambia in order for them to make informed decisions about the country.

He said the opinions made by the opposition leaders in South Africa were aimed at inciting Zambians to rise against the government
"Let them (Commonwealth) come on the ground and see what is obtaining. Let them talk to Zambians themselves," said Fr Mpasa.

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People want Lubinda expelled - Silubanje

People want Lubinda expelled - Silubanje
By Roy Habaalu
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

PEOPLE of Kabwata won't accept anything other than an expulsion of Given Lubinda from the party, says constituency chairman David Silubanje.

And foreign affairs permanent secretary Margaret Miyoba says Lubinda has not reported back in office. Meanwhile Lusaka district commissioner Ashwell Kampengele says Lubinda was a danger to the PF.

Silubanje yesterday said Lubinda, who is facing disciplinary charges for collaborating with opposition members of parliament to frustrate government policies, had not visited his constituency as directed by President Michael Sata.

"People don't want him. All they want is nothing but an expulsion. They feel neglected because they have no representative and someone to speak for them anymore. He's stubborn to an extent that he defies a presidential directive. This is what is annoying people. We are aware that he's positioning himself for a by-election and that would mark the end of his political career," said Silubanje.

President Sata directed members of parliament to visit their constituencies and explain to the people the currency rebasing.
Lubinda could not be reached for a comment as his mobile phone was unreachable.
And asked if Lubinda had reported back for work after his leave ended last month, Miyoba said "No he's not yet back in office."

And Kampengele said Lubinda's failure to visit his constituency was a non-issue because he was not a party representative.
He wondered why Lubinda, who had failed to implement projects and assist his constituents, had suddenly been distributing bicycles.

"What has changed? He never assisted any councillor or the ward development committee but today he's distributing bicycles in the constituency. What's the motive? Is he campaigning? Who has bought those bicycles? If he says it's the council the mayor is not aware, if he says it's the party we are not aware so in what capacity is he giving out those bicycles?" asked Kampengele.

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Kachingwe recounts beating ordeal

Kachingwe recounts beating ordeal
By Namatama Mundia
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

MAJOR Richard Kachingwe yesterday told the court that as huge as he is, he was defenceless when MMD Lusaka Province youth chairman Watson Mtonga and his three co-accused beat and hounded him out of the office.

This is in a case where Mtonga, 42, MMD Die Hard coordinator Bowman Lusambo, 35, Scorpion Kadobi, 44 and Chiwele Maimisa, 44 are charged with assault contrary to the Laws of Zambia.

It is alleged that Mtonga and three others on December 1, 2012, in Lusaka, jointly and whilst acting together with other unknown people assaulted Maj Kachingwe, publicity secretary Tobias Kafumukache and former MMD sympathiser Gregory Chifire, occasioning them actual bodily harm.

Testifying in the matter before chief resident magistrate Joshua Banda, Maj Kachingwe gave his particulars as a 62-year-old politician who belonged to the MMD party as national secretary.

He recounted that on the material day, he went to the office in the morning to execute duties as national secretary following information which he received that MMD leader Nevers Mumba did not disclose information which could have disqualified him from standing as president on that day.

Maj Kachingwe said he wrote to Mumba, informing him that he was going to invoke powers vested in him in the party constitution.

He said he wrote a letter invalidating Mumba's presidency.
Maj Kachingwe said that he then talked to MMD vice-president, administration Dr Brian Chituwo and acting chairperson Kabinga Pande, who later left his office.
He said Mtonga and his colleagues had earlier gone to the office and after a short while, he heard loud noise outside.
Maj Kachingwe said when he looked through his window, he saw a lot of youths jump onto the wall perimetre.

"The two leaders (Dr Chituwo and Pande) left and I remained alone. Then I heard them asking 'where is he?' A few minutes later, my door was pushed open and I saw Bowman entering the office and his co-accused grabbed me in the most ruthless manner, kicking and dragged me outside like a thief. They were hammering me everywhere, dragged me outside through the secretary's foyer and hell broke loose and they handed me to the hungry wolves who were waiting outside," he said.

Maj Kachingwe said he fell down and he heard Mtonga and Lusambo giving instructions that "hammer him", adding that Lusambo was a commander on that day.
He expressed shock that Lusambo could behave in such a manner when he was always at his home.

"They inflicted injury on me, I could not even defend myself. Your honour, you can see how hefty they are. I was defenceless - huge as I am - very defenceless on that day," he said.

Maj Kachingwe also testified how the police called him and informed him that his assailants had been arrested adding that he identified them on the parade at the police station.

He also identified Mtonga, Kadobi, Lusambo and Maimisa in court as the people who assaulted him.

During cross-examination, Maj Kachingwe maintained that he was still national secretary of MMD because the principles of natural justice were not allowed.
"I am still national secretary and I will challenge that purported expulsion," he said.

Maj Kachingwe said the video footage which he saw captured Lusambo instructing others to get him out.
He, however, said he could not remember if the video footage had captured the accused persons beating him.

"When we got outside, they (accused) handed me to the youths who beat me at their command. I saw Mtonga and Lusambo giving instructions that 'beat him'," said Maj Kachingwe.

Hearing continues on March 28.

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Kabimba and I are now good buddies - GBM

Kabimba and I are now good buddies - GBM
By Edwin Mbulo in Livingstone
Fri 15 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

PEOPLE should not refer to my quarrels with Wynter Kabimba as squabbles within the PF, says Geoffrey Mwamba.
And Mwamba says he and Kabima have come out to be "good buddies" following their differences.

Speaking during a good governance radio programme on Radio Mosi-oa-Tunya on Wednesday, Mwamba, who is defence minister, said both understand each other.
"Somebody asked me that there are squabbles in PF and I said no, there are no squabbles; he even referred to me and Wynter Kabimba.

I and Wynter are both Cabinet ministers and we are working together and we don't seem to have problems. So people should not refer to my quarrels with Wynter Kabimba as squabbles in the party; that is long gone. Even in your home, we quarrel at time with our wives who are our best friends, it is normal and healthy. It is a pity that it has to get to the ears of the public," Mwamba said.

"Look here, me and Wynter have come out very strong, and we have come out to be good buddies. We have come out to be good friends, because we understand each other; he knows what I don't like and I know what he doesn't like. But what I can assure you is that the PF is intact and we shall remain united."
Kabimba and Mwamba were perceived to be engaged in a fight over who should take over as leader of the PF from President Michael Sata.

And speaking earlier when he met PF campaigners in Dambwa Site and Service, Mwamba said the February 28 by-elections were a litmus test for the PF in Southern Province.

"We shall not fight them, even if they use the Mapatizya formula, we have to be above board. This is the right time for the PF to have a parliamentary seat in Southern Province, so allow me to introduce the Kasama formula in Livingstone. Even if they use the Mapatizya formula, we shall use the Kasama formula, the don't Kubeba formula," he said.
And PF Southern Province political secretary Brian Hapunda said the PF was a peaceful party.

"Just a few days ago the UPND campaign manager Garry Nkombo defamed our President, he insulted our President, ordinarily what we should have done as cadres is that we should have reacted and this place would have been a no go area for Nkombo but here we are we meet and shake hands, so who is provocative? I was in the UPND and I know that the Mapatizya formula means beating," said Hapunda.

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(NEWZIMBABWE) Biti vows to probe empowerment deals

Biti vows to probe empowerment deals
14/02/2013 00:00:00
by Gilbert Nyambabvu

FINANCE Minister Tendai Biti has vowed to investigate indigenisation agreements reached with various foreign companies amid concern over revelations that a single Harare advisory firm has handled the most lucrative of the deals reached to date.

Brainworks Capital provided advisory servcies on the US$750 million Zimplats indigenisation transaction with a local daily claiming that the consultancy firm could pocket up to US$45 million from that deal alone.

An evidently thrilled George Manyere, the company’s managing partner, said of the Zimplats deal: “This transaction is a further milestone in our quest to building an even stronger advisory business in Zimbabwe and we believe that our specialist advisory services will continue to grow this year.”

And grow they have, with the company revealing in January that it had handled compliance arrangements for Mimosa and Unki platinum mines, gold producer Caledonia Mining as well as cement producer Pretoria Portland Cement.
However, the Daily News claimed Thursday that Brainworks was handed the consultancy contracts without going to tender

But Empowerment Minister Saviour Kaskuwere dismissed the allegations on Twitter, quipping: “Wolves are at the door; nothing to lose sleep over. We forge ahead with our empowerment”

Meanwhile, Biti told a business meeting in Victoria Falls that agreements reached with Implats, Aquarius and Amplats would be scrutinised to ensure they do not “cost the country money”.
According to Bloomberg, Biti said some of the agreements may have to be referred to Parliament for approval.

Zimbabwe’s indigenisation laws require foreign companies to transfer at least 51 percent of their Zimbabwe operations to locals.

In addition to the equity handovers, the companies have also been compelled to donate up to US$20 million to so-called community share schemes.

The programme has however, divided the country’s coalition government with President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF party insisting it was necessary to economically empower historically marginalised blacks.

The MDC-T says while economic empowerment was needed, the approach taken by Zanu PF benefits the wealthy elite and does little to solve the country’s employment crisis in addition to scaring away much-needed foreign investment.

Bickering over the policy has escalated lately as parties campaign for elections later this year and, with some analysts suggesting the programme is a potential vote-winner for Mugabe and Zanu PF, the MDC-T has sharpened its attacks.

Biti recently claimed that the community share ownership schemes were potentially illegal adding the foreign firms were, in fact, using them to bribe their way out of compliance with the law.

“There is nowhere in the Indigenisation act that compels companies to donate money to a community share scheme or to any farm or to anything so what you are actually seeing is coercion; companies being forced to part up with US$10 or US$15 million,” the MDC-T secretary general said last month.

“(And) to the extent that there is no company in Zimbabwe that I know of which has actually parted with 51% of its shareholding , you are having the anomalous situation where companies are bribing themselves out of compliance with the act by paying a mere US$ 10 million, US$5 million, whatever is the amount of the community share scheme.”

The claim was however, rejected by Kasukuwere advisor and Zanu PF spokesperson Psychology Maziwisa who accused Biti of “stupid politicking” ahead of the new elections.

He charged: “Just because the law is silent about community share ownership trusts doesn’t per se render the schemes unlawful.

“The Indigenisation Act contemplates broad-based empowerment and community share ownership schemes are a means of achieving that. In ordinary life, one would expect a person of (Finance Minister, Tendai) Biti’s background to understand this very simple legal fact but quite evidently, he doesn’t.

“The programme has helped take the poorest of our people out of abject poverty and given them a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to make something out of their lives. In the process, thousands of jobs have been created.
"We need jobs in this country and community share schemes have gone a long way in addressing this situation.”

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(NEWZIMBABWE) Indigenisation: aiming for fuller participation

Indigenisation: aiming for fuller participation
14/02/2013 00:00:00
by Gideon Gono

Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono has been an outspoken sceptic of the indigenisation and empowerment drive. Writing in the Financial Gazette on Thursday, he warned that elements of the current model being pursued by the government are unlikely to have the required impact of alleviating poverty among Zimbabwe's poor:

EVER since the promulgation of the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment legislation in 2007, the initiative has been at the centre of emotive debate among various stakeholders from within and outside Zimbabwe.

While some quarters, especially and understandably, those from outside Zimbabwe have been totally against the initiative, the debate among Zimbabwean stakeholders has not been on whether or not to indigenize the economy and empower locals but rather on how best to sustainably indigenize the economy and empower the indigenous population beyond today’s and tomorrow’s generations but well into posterity.

It is , therefore, within the context of optimising both the individual and collective empowerment benefits to the indigenous population of Zimbabwe that this paper seeks to explain how the implementation of a supply and distribution based indigenisation and empowerment model can effectively and permanently transform the lives of a wide cross section of indigenous people within a very short space of time.

Noting the guiding pillars and shared national objectives behind the Government’s Indigenisation and Economic empowerment drive, the country’s economic empowerment strategy should be done in a manner that immediately reduce poverty for the majority of Zimbabweans, and enhance societal welfare. The program should ensure the equitable re-distribution of wealth across a broad spectrum of societal groups notably, women, youth, chiefs and the physically handicapped.

The model must also respond to, and tackle, each of the eight (8) United Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), namely the eradication of extreme poverty, support towards the achievement of universal primary education, promotion of gender equality and empowerment of women (and the youths), reduction of child mortality, improvement in maternal health, combating of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensuring and assisting environmental sustainability and assist in the development of global partnerships for development.


This paper, therefore analyses the impact of a hypothetical policy directive by Government directing all companies with a minimum capitalization of US$ 500,000 to procure at least 51 percent of their consumables, spares and raw material supplies from indigenous small to medium enterprises with capitalization levels of below US$200,000.

In order to build context, It critical that a recap of the basic tenets of the supply and distribution based indigenisation and empowerment model is done before an impact analysis of the afore-described hypothetical policy directive is carried out.

The SaDIE model is premised on the authorities leveraging the immense value of supply contracts within the economy’s entire supply and distribution chain in order to unlock wealth and scope for profitable participation of a broad spectrum of Zimbabwe’s indigenous population in the various lucrative sectors of their economy.

The SaDIE model is inspired by the recognition of the fact that only a few can fit or benefit from the equity-ownership model currently being pushed under the Indigenization and Empowerment Act with the overall implication being the unsustainable alienation of the majority of indigenous people from the noble indigenisation and economic empowerment drive.

Under the SaDIE framework, Government, through law, directs that indigenous owned Small to Medium Enterprises (SMEs) are accorded the exclusive right to supply a given proportion of all inputs relating to a specific economic sector. This strategy therefore, effectively empowers indigenous people to control downstream industries through the supplying of raw materials, services and other inputs.

The model also envisages a gradual approach towards attainment of the company ownership thresholds by indigenous Zimbabweans, in a manner that ensures sustainable empowerment, inflows of much-needed foreign capital and minimal disruption to economic activity.

It would therefore, be beneficial to the greater majority as well as future generations to spread compliance with the 51 percent equity threshold to up to twenty or so years while the 51 percent input supply, distribution and service provision model is activated with immediate effect in order to unlock the practical benefit of ensuring regular income flows for the majority of our people, while generating popular and local stakeholder involvement.

The supply of raw materials and other critical inputs immediately empowers indigenous Zimbabweans through ownership of the means of production and mainstreaming previously disadvantaged indigenous people such as women and youth into active economic participation.

The model thus ensures that indigenous people realize immediate benefits through receipts from guaranteed supply of goods and services to companies, as opposed to waiting for annual dividend payments, which are contingent upon the companies making profits and declaring such dividends to shareholders.

Current non-indigenous supply/distribution/marketing contracts can be negotiated over to indigenous people, without affecting or compromising price competitiveness to the company, quality specifications, delivery efficiencies and all other existing criteria required by the companies, parastatals, local authorities, Government Departments and Ministries.

Where there are short-comings in terms of the skills of indigenous people, mentorship programs and smart-partnerships arrangements could be put in place, in transparent ways which are auditable by ZIMRA or Exchequer/and which mentorship programs should observe the need for participation by locals, women, youths and special groups, while avoiding cases of duplicating beneficiaries.

Imported inputs to the industries also ought to be indigenized and appropriate steps taken by the companies concerned to mentor/hand-hold newcomers to the game.

Banks are more likely to lend to a group of people or individuals who are accredited suppliers of say, Zimplats, with the understanding that they will get paid by Stop-Order directly from the beneficiary company. This allows them to securitize that relationship, thereby obviating the need for primary security from the individual or group of individuals who do not have any collateral to give in the first place.

One major feature of the SaDIE approach is that even loss making companies necessarily have to consume raw materials, inputs and other services monthly or periodically, thus contributing towards the day-to-day empowerment of the indigenous people, a factor that eliminates the need, under the predominance of equity-type empowerment model, to receive dividends only once a year or so.

The diagram below illustrates the immediate benefits of the SaDIE model assuming a foreign capital injection of US$ 1 billion and a government directive for the procurement of 51 percent of all raw materials, spares and consumables from indigenous owned SMEs.

As can be shown in the diagram above, there are more broad based empowerment benefits, employment creation and collective value addition in US$ 331.5 million worth of raw material, consumables and other services supply contracts than in simply sharing a US$ 10.2 million dividend (51 percent of the 20 million declared dividend in the event of a good financial year).

In view of the above illustration, it becomes clear that the SaDIE model of empowerment ties up with the Government’s long standing arch-objective of uplifting the basic standards of living of indigenous Zimbabweans through eradication of extreme poverty in line with the Millennium Development Goals MDGs.

In addition, the extent to which the SaDIE model address the needs of the majority of ordinary Zimbabweans can be illustrated using the Maslow’s hierarchy of needs model as shown below:

As has already been mentioned in this paper, empowerment of indigenous people should improve their basic welfare and reduce poverty in line with the internationally recognized millennium development goals (MDGs) whose achievement Zimbabwe and other members of the entire United Nations family voluntarily committed themselves to pursue.

The country’s ownership and empowerment struggles must, therefore, be anchored on these absolute necessities which put differently, relate to the famous Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (MHoN).

The supply of raw materials and inputs by indigenous SMEs immediately addresses their basic, low-level physiological needs notably food, shelter education, health and clothing.

Higher-level needs such as self-actualization are long term in nature and do not immediately impact on the livelihoods of the generality of the population.

Equity ownership resides in the realm of both “esteem and self-actualization needs”, the smallest of the five (5) components in the MHoN Pyramid, while the other three bottom segments constitute the crying needs of the majority of Zimbabweans. These segments, especially the bottom two, are the concern of the UN Millennium Development Goals.

Self actualisation needs, such as the acquisition of equity and majority shareholding in companies, have minimal short-term benefits to the indigenous people and, should therefore, be the medium to long-term national goals under the indigenization framework.

Equity or shareholder benefits also only when dividends are declared, which is normally annually, bi-annually or even at longer intervals, thus depriving indigenous people of much-needed immediate and basic requirements. The situation is worse in an environment like ours, where most companies are making losses or insignificant profit levels.

This approach can also be fine-tuned to address the quota-system requirements for youths, women and special groups, and is also auditable, and transparent with a quick turnaround in terms of visible benefits that address basic needs of individuals and communities in which the economic cake is being generated such as mines.

The SaDIE Model empowers indigenous people in a way that gives them dignity, improves their basic welfare and reduces poverty in line with the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) while extending beneficial mileage to the majority of the people.

Higher–level needs such as self-actualization and esteem needs are also very important as long as it is understood that they are long-term in nature and do not immediately impact on the livelihoods of the generality of the population.


According to the 2013 budget statement, the mining sector’s share of Zimbabwe’s Gross Domestic Product GDP is estimated at an average of 16,9 percent between the years 2009 to 2011.
The cost structures in the mining sector can generally be approximated as in the diagram below:

Average Mining Sector Cost Drivers

Basing on the nominal GDP for the year 2012 which is estimated at US$ 11427.4 million, the mining sector had a sectoral GDP of approximately 16.9% of the total GDP which translates to approximately US$ 1931.2.

In view of the above, approximately US$ 522 million (US$1931.2 million x 53% x 51%) worth of supply contracts would be reserved for indigenous SMEs in the event of Government directing the mining sector to procure at least 51% of its inputs from indigenous SMEs.

It is critical to note that it takes about 15 years for the mine to recover all the sunk costs used for mining development. While mines make huge operating profits, the profits would not be used as dividends as the money is usually used to offset the huge initial capital outlay.

Mechanisms would, however need to be put in place to ensure that indigenous suppliers adhere to strict quality standards and that in exceptional cases where locals are unable to immediately supply specific requirements by miners, a window for limited importation of such inputs and spares is allowed.

The Manufacturing sector’s contribution to Zimbabwe’s GDP is estimated at 15% which translates to a sectoral GDP of approximately US$ 1714.11 million based on the estimated GDP for the year 2012.
The average cost structures in the manufacturing sector are estimated as in the diagram below:

Manufacturing Sector Cost Drivers

In view of the above, Indigenous people can be empowered to the tune of US$498 million per annum, through supply of inputs and services to the manufacturing sector.

This measure should be accompanied by procurement guidelines to ensure that indigenous-owned firms meet acceptable minimum quality standards required by the different sub-sectors.

The construction industry contributes about 1% to Gross Domestic Product (GDP). The industry consists of Architects, Quantity Surveyors, Real Estate Agents, Project Managers, Engineers and Contractors.
The cost structures in the construction sector are estimated as in the diagram below:

Construction Sector Cost Structure

The major cost drivers of the construction sector are raw materials (79%), which comprise of cement, bricks, steel and equipment.

US$ 46 million worth of supply contracts in the construction sector would be reserved for indigenous players should the Government adopt the SaDIE model at a threshold of 51%.

The contribution of the Tourism and Distribution sector to Zimbabwe’s GDP is estimated to be at least 10%.

The main cost drivers in the tourism sector are raw materials and finance costs as shown in the diagram below.

Tourism Cost Structure

Small to medium indigenous enterprises (SMEs) could, therefore, be capacitated to provide raw materials to the sector.

The distribution sector is characterized by a complex set of economic activities which link producers and buyers of goods and services. The sector includes retail and wholesale traders.
Cost Structure of a Retail Firm

Such a cost structure presents numerous opportunities for indigenous firms to participate as the key suppliers of goods and services, transport, marketing and logistical services.

From the two cost structures presented above, assuming an average share of inputs of 36%, it can be concluded that the Tourism and distribution sectors presents a minimum combined opportunity for supply contracts worth approximately US$210 million dollars that can be exploited by indigenous SMEs in the event of Government adopting the SaDIE model at a threshold of a minimum of 51% of supply contracts.

The current investment laws in Zimbabwe allow for a maximum of 35% foreign ownership in the transport sector. The passenger and freight sub-sectors are dominated by indigenous players as they do not require large capital outlays, compared to sectors such as mining and manufacturing.
Transport Cost Structure

Although the sector is largely indigenised, there remains scope for reserving 51% of the supply contracts for indigenous SMEs for the supply of key raw materials in the transport sub-sector, as well as maintenance and other services.

The telecommunication industry is capital intensive and this presents a barrier to entry for many would-be indigenous participants. Raw materials, inputs spares and maintenance services, however, constitute 77% of total cost of production.
Telecommunications Cost Structure

There are opportunities for local companies to specialize in repair and maintenance of telecommunications equipment, supply corporate wear, offer transport & courier services and other non-core activities.

The transport and telecommunications sector is estimated to contribute approximately 12% of Zimbabwe’s GDP and hence based on the estimated GDP for the year 2012 (US$ 11427.4 million) and an average share of raw materials in the cost structure of 69%, the transport and distribution sector has the potential to offer supply contracts worth approximately US$ 482.6 million to indigenous SMEs.

The major cost driver in the financial sector besides staff costs are operational expenses which contribute about 42% and include stationery, ICT, uniforms, staff transportation, marketing and consultancy, advertising materials, among goods and services requirements.
Financial Sector Cost Drivers

There is potential for indigenous SME to participate in 42% of the business in the financial sector through the supply of consumables and accessories.

In this vein, procurement programs can be designed to assist indigenous SMEs in tendering for financial service business. This can also be achieved by reserving certain areas of procurement for indigenous people.

The finance and insurance sector is estimated to contribute approximately 3% of Zimbabwe’s GDP and hence based on the estimated GDP for the year 2012 (US$ 11427.4 million) and an average share of services and consumables in the cost structure of 42%, the finance and insurance sector has the potential to offer supply contracts worth approximately US$ 73.4 million to indigenous SMEs in the event of Government adopting the SaDIE model at a threshold of 51%.

Through the Annual National Budget Statements, Government could ensure that it deliberately targets indigenous people and companies in the procurement of goods and services for Government operations.

For example, by end of September 2012, cumulative operational costs for the Government of Zimbabwe for the year 2012 amounted to US$483 million. These operational costs involve a significant portion of supplies that can provide a viable empowerment avenue if sourced from the indigenous SMEs.

Similar arrangements can also be applied to parastatals and local authorities in order ensure that the indigenous population is mainstreamed to fully participate and benefit from their economy.


As has already been articulated in this paper, through the Supply and Distribution based indigenisation and Empowerment model, supply contracts worth more than US$ 2 billion can be availed to indigenous SMEs if Government implements the SaDIE at a procurement threshold of 51%.
The approximate values of supply opportunities for some selected sectors are shown in the table below:

Potential Volume of Business for Indigenous People (Based on 2012 estimated GDP of US$ 11427.4 million)


In the Zimbabwean context, women and youth continue to occupy the peripherals when it comes to gainful participation in the mainstream economy and yet empowering these two critical groups would be the first major step towards the Country seriously advancing towards the attainment of the cherished Millennium Development Goals.

With Government making it mandatory that all firm procure at least 51% of their inputs from indigenous SMEs, it is practically possible for the Government to economically empower the youths, women and other disadvantaged groups such as the disabled through provision for an enforceable quota system which leaves a specific portion of goods and service supply contracts reserved from indigenous SMEs controlled by women, the youths and the disabled respectively.

In addition, international and local Non Governmental Organizations would also be encouraged and even required to prioritize Women , youth and the disabled Groups in the provision of consultancy services, supply of goods and other services such as maintenance of vehicle fleets, equipment and machinery, as well as in their intervention programmes and projects.

Alternatively, the SaDIE approach to indigenization and empowerment can be viewed as a form of progressive import substitution since there would be emphasis on capacitating local firms to provide the essential services required by industry instead of merely buying from the very same foreign entities.

In view of the above, the country’s liquidity and balance of payments positions would stand to improve from the progressive internalization of demand for inputs and services as the proceeds would now find their way into the local banking industry and other productive economic sectors as opposed to external economic agents as is currently the case.

For example if at least 51% of the currently balance of payment deficit could be redirected to indigenous players, then the country’s liquidity situation would improve by close to US$ 1.5 Billion dollars per annum.

To the extent that implementation of the SaDIE model increases the contribution of the indigenous population of Zimbabwe to actual production, the model enhances the creation of new wealth and growth of the economic cake for common good unlike the case with equity based indigenization and empowerment initiatives which involves only the transfer of pre-existing wealth.

The increase in local production, therefore serves to improve local industrial capacity utilization thereby improving employment, reducing crime and uplifting the general social and economic welfare of the people of Zimbabwe.


Financial constraints may severely undermine the capacity of the indigenous people’s ability to supply inputs to foreign owned companies. In such cases, securitization arrangements have to be established to enable the mobilization of financial resources by local people.

Securitisation of supply contracts can take the form of foreign owned companies can providing guarantees to the effect that in the event of the relevant inputs or services being supplied by the respective indigenous SME, a specified sum would be paid directly to the financier within a specified period of time on behalf of the indigenous supplier.

Under this arrangement, the indigenous supplier will, therefore, borrow from a bank on the strength of the guarantee provided by the foreign entity, acquire and supply inputs, then service debt obligations accordingly.

There is need, through sectoral and even industry specific mentoring and training initiatives to capacitate the indigenous SMEs to adhere to proper business practices, to ensure efficient and timely delivery of high quality inputs and services.

Against this background, the empowerment of the indigenous people should be accompanied by orientation programs geared at capacitating the local people to efficiently supply goods and services.

Capacity development programs should focus on mentorship, training, management, marketing as well as tender and procurement procedures.

The Country’s indigenisation initiatives draw their national relevance and significance from their capacity to answer to the immediate economic imperatives that confronts the majority of the indigenous people of Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe’s indigenisation and economic empowerment methodologies and philosophies should, therefore be guided by the need to deliver a meaningful, sustainable and immediate response to the vagaries of extreme poverty, unemployment and underemployment affecting an estimated over 70% of the local population.

In addition, it is in the national economic interest that the indigenous people are be empowered in a way that preserves and grows the stock of already existing wealth, while at the same time increasing indigenous participation in the various economic sectors.

In view of the above, the Supply and Distribution based Indigenisation and Empowerment initiative, where at least 51% of input supply contracts in the entire economy are reserved for indigenous is a practical and immediately beneficial avenue through which the majority of Zimbabweans can be permanently empowered economically.

To give fruition to these suggestions, industry specific indigenous empowerment charters should be developed to recognize the peculiarities of the different sectors and industries.

The SaDIE model does not seek to do away with the equity based empowerment initiative but comes as s sequencing tool to ensure that every Zimbabwean is first mainstreamed to fully participate in the economy before we advance to the higher levels in our national hierarchy on needs such as full equity ownership. When the empowerment drive has been achieved, Government could then move a gear up or accelerate ownership of companies by indigenous Zimbabweans, through a carefully planned indigenization implementation framework.

Dr Gideon Gono is the Governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe. He writes here in his personal capacity

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Thursday, February 14, 2013

(STICKY) (LUSAKATIMES) HH justifies Commonwealth petition

HH justifies Commonwealth petition
Time Posted: February 14, 2013 8:55 am

UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema has justified the intent of opposition political leaders’ visit to the Commonwealth secretariat in South Africa to request for the organization’s intervention in the alleged violation of Commonwealth values and principles by the Patriotic Front government.

UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema has justified the intent of opposition political leaders’ visit to the Commonwealth secretariat inSouth Africa to request for the organization’s intervention in the alleged violation of Commonwealth values and principles by the Patriotic Front government.

Mr. Hichilema has told Qfm News that the move by opposition leaders to lodge a complaint to the Commonwealth Ministerial action group was not ill-intended but merely to find a lasting solution to the gross disregard of democratic principles by the PF.

He said that since coming into government, the PF has abrogated fundamental human rights contrary to the values endorsed by the Commonwealth.

Mr. Hichilema has since stated that leaders of the opposition that made a bold step to go to South Africa must not be condemned for merely requesting the Commonwealth to investigate human rights abuses by the PF government.

He says the opposition has tried every means to engage government on matters of national interest but that the government has not shown willingness to listen to advice.

Mr. Hichilema says it is therefore not strange for the opposition to engage the Commonwealth to investigate abuse of human rights by government.

Meanwhile, the national youth league of the National Restoration Party (NAREP) has expressed sadness over remarks made by Zambian opposition leaders at a press conference in South Africa.

The national youth league of the National Restoration Party (NAREP) has expressed sadness over remarks made by Zambian opposition leaders at a pressconference in South Africa.

National Coordinator Aquino Mutale says MMD president Nevers Mumba, UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema and ULP leader SakwibaSikota should learn to place their priorities right.

Mutale says opposition leaders should know better than to discredit, castigate and undermine the state of the country in a foreign land.

He tells QFM that at no time has any opposition political party in the country been denied their freedom to hold press conferences from their respective secretariats.

Mutale says the opposition leaders need to ask themselves who would suffer the most if not the people of Zambia they claim to serve if the Commonwealth was to meet the demands they made.

He wondered where the leaders have placed their duties as citizens to promote and defend the country by shamefully openly attacking their state in the manner they did.


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(STICKY) (LUSAKATIMES) Robert Amsterdam’s Open Letter to Mutembo Nchito

COMMENT - You know the saying, "Lawyer, liar, pants on fire." Rupiah Banda has been 'ruthlessly targeted by the Zambian government'? I wish. This is part of the neoliberal opposition's attempt to play to the international gallery, rather than try to win over the people of Zambia to vote for them. Notice the attack on the independently owned media, especially The Post. Also see Hakainde Hichilema's appeal to the Commonwealth.

Robert Amsterdam’s Open Letter to Mutembo Nchito
Time Posted: February 14, 2013 8:44 am


Dear Mr. Nchito,

I write to you as international counsel to His Excellency former President Rupiah Banda regarding serious and urgent concerns over your conduct as Director of Public Prosecutions over the past year.

As you are well aware, His Excellency and his family have been ruthlessly targeted by the Zambian government and investigative wings under your direction in a systematic campaign of politically motivated calumny and defamation with little parallel in Zambian history.

For almost 16 months, the state-controlled media and politically compromised media such as The Post have published a vast array of patently false accusations against the distinguished former head of state and his family, ranging from the disappearance of gold, to trumped up conspiracies of oil contracts, to total non-crimes such as campaign fundraising.

The fact that these allegations turn up as sensationalist headlines in the media only to disappear and be forgotten speaks volumes about their fundamental lack of substance. After 16 months of this attack campaign, there has not been one single formal charge or even a real investigation. Worse still, after 16 months, we have not been informed of what, exactly, if any, alleged offence took place.

The purpose of these trials-by-headline is to damage reputation in place of any sort of procedural exercise of the law based upon the presumption of innocence. It is clear that you, Sir, and your former business partner Fred M’membe of the Post Newspaper, are in charge of overseeing a civil conspiracy to defame a respected elder statesman.

Over the last number of days, myself and many others have received calls from individuals who have been brought into some kind of desperate dragnet in an attempt by the investigative wings to come up with some form of credible charge against the former President.

Most recently, the former President was subjected to an extraordinary and illegal request to attend before the Joint Investigative Team to allegedly answer in respect to charges that were, yet again, unspecified. In furtherance of your civil conspiracy to harm the reputation of President Banda, you provided newspapers, including the Post, with this private and confidential correspondence prior to even these requests reaching the hands of my client.

Now sir, let us publicly review some facts. Along with Mr. M’membe, you are known co-defendants in a civil trial where you have been found to owe more than $3 million U.S. dollars to the Development Bank of Zambia (DBZ). Your professional misconduct in that case earned the discredit of the judge, as shown in comments he made in open court which made its way into the ruling.

Given the fact that it is uncontested that you and your co-defendant M’membe approached President Banda during his tenure for financial assistance but were refused, you both have harboured ill will towards myclient that has manifested itself in this notorious campaign of defamation, intimidation, and harassment against him and his family.

Along with the Patriotic Front’s apparent goal of returning Zambia to a one-party state and President Sata’s determination to wipe out political competition, the Nchito-M’membe defamation conspiracy against the Banda family found an enthusiastic sponsor in the administration.

Objectively, Mr. Nchito, this position raises important considerations of professional criteria of office. The reasonable apprehension of bias both subjectively and objectively represents a hurdle you could not overcome before any rule of law court. It is arguable that your conduct itself constitutes a perversion of justice, particularly in combination with the illegal arrests and detentions of opposition leaders, which have damaged Zambia’s standing as a state supposedly enjoying an independent judicial system.

You have also violated the Guidelines for proper prosecutorial conduct promulgated by both the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and the United Nations.

The African Commission’s Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Fair Trial and Legal Assistance in Africa require that prosecutors “carry out their functions impartially and avoid all political … or any other kind of discrimination.”[1] They further mandate that Prosecutors “act with objectivity.”[2] And further, that prosecutors “shall always conduct themselves in accordance with … the recognized standards and ethics of their profession,”[3] and “perform their duties fairly, …, and respect and protect dignity and uphold human rights, thus contributing to ensuring due process …”[4]

Identical standards are included in the United Nations’ Guidelines on the Role of Prosecutors.[5]

Your conduct violates all of these fundamental standards of prosecutorial ethics.

Your actions against President Banda, his family, and leaders of the opposition blatantly discriminate on political and other grounds, fail to meet minimum standards of impartiality, objectivity and fairness, and disrespect their dignity and human rights, including their right to due process of law. Your abusive actions fall far below the “recognized standards and ethics” governing prosecutorial conduct.

In addition, there is the fact that President Sata himself has interfered with the judicial process directly in an attempt to benefit you and M’membe by suspending the judges and justice who ruled against you in the DBZ case after a full hearing in a Zambian Court.

This, too, violates the African Guidelines, which mandate that judicial bodies “shall be independent from the executive branch” and free from “any inappropriate or unwarranted interference.”[6]

When you combine your record of contemptuous conduct to the judiciary with the illegal and defamatory attack on my client, it appears that such circumstances one might go over your head to the Minister of Justice.

The Minister of Justice Mr. Wynter Kabimba, however, also serves as Secretary General of the Patriotic Front, and has shown himself to be contemptuous of the investigative wings and to hold himself above the law. For ease of reference I attach a photo of the Justice Minister at the ACC accompanied by menacing PF thugs, refusing to answer substantive allegations over his own conduct.

In such a hopelessly politically charged and biased environment, your attempt to lift my client’s immunity represents a shameful departure from Zambian history.

I call upon you to resign from the post you should never have been awarded, and do the honourable thing, if you have any honour left.

In light of your behavior to date I intend to file a complaint before the African Commission for Human Rights early next week documenting these concerns and evidence of your misconduct unless I receive a satisfactory response by Monday close of business.


Robert Amsterdam

International counsel to former President Rupiah Banda

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(LUSAKATIMES) HH justifies Commonwealth petition

COMMENT - More opposition tactics. Clearly, as neoliberal stooges, they cannot turn to the Zambian people for support.

HH justifies Commonwealth petition
Time Posted: February 14, 2013 8:55 am

UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema has justified the intent of opposition political leaders’ visit to the Commonwealth secretariat in South Africa to request for the organization’s intervention in the alleged violation of Commonwealth values and principles by the Patriotic Front government.

UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema has justified the intent of opposition political leaders’ visit to the Commonwealth secretariat inSouth Africa to request for the organization’s intervention in the alleged violation of Commonwealth values and principles by the Patriotic Front government.

Mr. Hichilema has told Qfm News that the move by opposition leaders to lodge a complaint to the Commonwealth Ministerial action group was not ill-intended but merely to find a lasting solution to the gross disregard of democratic principles by the PF.

He said that since coming into government, the PF has abrogated fundamental human rights contrary to the values endorsed by the Commonwealth.

Mr. Hichilema has since stated that leaders of the opposition that made a bold step to go to South Africa must not be condemned for merely requesting the Commonwealth to investigate human rights abuses by the PF government.

He says the opposition has tried every means to engage government on matters of national interest but that the government has not shown willingness to listen to advice.

Mr. Hichilema says it is therefore not strange for the opposition to engage the Commonwealth to investigate abuse of human rights by government.

Meanwhile, the national youth league of the National Restoration Party (NAREP) has expressed sadness over remarks made by Zambian opposition leaders at a press conference in South Africa.

The national youth league of the National Restoration Party (NAREP) has expressed sadness over remarks made by Zambian opposition leaders at a pressconference in South Africa.

National Coordinator Aquino Mutale says MMD president Nevers Mumba, UPND leader Hakainde Hichilema and ULP leader SakwibaSikota should learn to place their priorities right.

Mutale says opposition leaders should know better than to discredit, castigate and undermine the state of the country in a foreign land.

He tells QFM that at no time has any opposition political party in the country been denied their freedom to hold press conferences from their respective secretariats.

Mutale says the opposition leaders need to ask themselves who would suffer the most if not the people of Zambia they claim to serve if the Commonwealth was to meet the demands they made.

He wondered where the leaders have placed their duties as citizens to promote and defend the country by shamefully openly attacking their state in the manner they did.


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Patriots don't do what Rupiah, HH are doing

Patriots don't do what Rupiah, HH are doing
By The Post
Thu 14 Feb. 2013, 15:20 CAT

On February 8, 2009, Hakainde Hichilema, as president of the UPND, accused Rupiah Banda's government of corruption over its partial privatisation of Zamtel shares. Hakainde accused Rupiah's government of ignoring legal procedures because of corruption. These comments of Hakainde were published in our newspaper on February 9, 2009 (Issue No. 4498).

And on May 15, 2009, Hakainde said that he misses the late Levy Mwanawasa because corruption had worsened in Rupiah's government. He accused Rupiah's MMD government of being inherently and endemically corrupt. And the story of this was published in our newspaper on the 16th of May, 2009.

Again, on June 15, 2010, Hakainde charged that Rupiah, his children, Dora Siliya and the team were guilty of corruption the sale of Zamtel and they would never wash themselves clean. He accused Rupiah and his children and Dora of benefitting from the dirty transaction. "We are all aware that the children are travelling all over now. Somebody was caught with some cash. And they are covering it. What other reason would be motivating Dora? And look at the defence, it's like bees just stinging around when people complain. Kavindele is called names; I am called all sorts of names," Hakainde remarked in reference to Rupiah. But today, they are together. Hakainde is defending Rupiah's corruption. He doesn't want him to account in any way for any of these things. Why?

And Hakainde is doing all this in the company of Sakwiba Sikota. But let's recollect what Sakwiba used to say about Hakainde in 2006. "UPND is corrupt and tribal. We want to be part of something that is not corrupt and tribal, we want to be part of something that is for all," said Sakwiba in reference to Hakainde and UPND on July 18, 2006 and the story was published in our newspaper on July 19, 2006.

And on July 20, 2006, Sakwiba added: "… We will isolate UPND tribalism. They will find themselves to be the only ones who stand for tribalism, intimidation, corruption and violence." This was published in our newspaper on July 21, 2006.

The late Henry Mtonga, who was then Kanyama UPND member of parliament, when leaving Hakainde's UPND said: "It is worthless to stay in UPND. We are praying that such people should not come anywhere near forming government. I am a very sad man, politics of no principle, money without work can lead people to destroy good things."

Today, Rupiah, Hakainde and Sakwiba, joined by Nevers Mumba, are all together in one camp. Why? What has happened?

All seem to have forgotten their mutual scores, they are weeping into each other's arms, and are raising the banner of slander, malice, propaganda, calumny against the Zambian government of Michael Sata. They are all trying to vent their spleen by trying to mobilise international support against their own country and their own people.

There are certain things a patriot can do and cannot do. Whatever their grievances against Michael and his government, there is nothing that warrants them to campaign for sanctions against their own country and their own people.

And unfortunately for them, their campaign will not yield the results they are looking for because they have no serious issue against the Zambian government. They are simply wasting their time and making a fool of themselves.

We know that Rupiah has stolen a lot of money and can pay all sorts of well-connected international agents to place stories in all sorts of publications to launder him. But where will it take him? No one has taken Rupiah's rights away. And when his immunity will be removed, it will be done in accordance with the requirements of the law. The law provides for the removal of presidential immunity through Parliament. This will be done because Rupiah stole public funds.

And even his friend Hakainde knows this. Hakainde is defending Rupiah today not because he thinks Rupiah is clean but simply because there are some benefits he sees in doing so. Opportunists have no principles. They live by expedience.

There is nothing that stops law enforcement agencies from arresting Hakainde and prosecuting him if he commits a crime. Being an opposition politician does not provide Hakainde with immunity from prosecution if law enforcement officers believe he has committed a crime. Why is Hakainde trying to place himself above the law?

Hakainde is legitimately facing criminal charges in the courts of law. If indeed the charges against him are frivolous or baseless, they will be thrown out or he will be acquitted.

There is no country in the Commonwealth where politician are placed above the law. Even those who have immunity from prosecution, that immunity is conditional. When certain conditions required by the law are fulfilled, that immunity can be removed and open them to prosecution.

And Rupiah shouldn't cheat himself that he has got the protection, the support of all these elements. They will be there for him as long as the money he has stolen lasts. As soon as he cannot meet his bills to them, he will be deserted.

And as for Hakainde, he shouldn't cheat himself that defending Rupiah and his corruption will get him into State House. Defending corruption has never taken anyone to State House or kept anyone in State House. Before him, those who tried to defend Frederick Chiluba and his corruption failed to go to State House on that account. And Rupiah himself tried to keep himself in power by defending Chiluba and his corruption. Did he succeed? No, he failed miserably. How can a man who has failed to keep himself in power put another man in power? If Hakainde is looking to Rupiah for political survival, then his political instincts are very poor. Anyway, Hakainde's political instincts have generally been poor. In the 2011 elections, Hakainde thought by aligning himself with Rupiah, he would be able to stop Michael and the PF from winning. He failed and miserably so. The only thing Hakainde won for himself is bitterness, envy. Today Hakainde has swallowed that humiliating defeat and it's bitter because he has swallowed it. Defeat is not bitter if one doesn't swallow it. Today Hakainde is choking with envy because what he thought was not possible has become possible; what he thought was not tenable has become tenable.

Our advice to Rupiah is not to waste his time hiding behind Hakainde, Nevers and Sakwiba. We all know that it's Rupiah behind all this. Hakainde, Nevers and Sakwiba are simply Rupiah's minions trying to benefit from his misery, desperation and fear.

But are these the type of leaders Zambia wants? One who can do what Hakainde, Nevers, Sakwiba and Rupiah are trying to do to Zambia is not fit to lead a country. If one can try to destroy one's country in this way, what can stop them from selling it when it's beneficial to do so?

Again, this is where Michael beats them. For all his weaknesses, Michael is a patriot. And a patriot never works against his country, his people. Mercenaries easily get hired and can easily be deployed against their own country, their own people. They have no homeland; their homeland is where their pockets are filled.

We have continually advised against the attempt to win power on the back of national failure. Patriots will always want to see their country succeed with or without them in power. Mercenaries only want themselves to be at the centre of glory, of things. If they are not there, nothing should work, nothing should succeed. Probably Henry was right when he prayed that "such people should not anywhere near forming government". And the good Lord seems to have answered Henry's prayer, 'such people are nowhere near forming government'.

We made a clarion call to all patriots and Zambians of goodwill to denounce the campaign these mercenaries have launched abroad against our homeland. This is not about Michael; it is not about PF. It is about Zambia and the plight of its people. We saw how some misguided elements were used, or had allowed themselves to be used, to destroy their country simply because they wanted to be in power at any cost. You all know the country we are talking about and we don't need to mention its name. Is that the route we want Zambia to go simply because some power-hungry element wants to be president at any cost?

We have repeatedly advised that it will still be possible for one to defeat Michael and the PF at the next elections if they work hard and in an honest way without resorting to methods that will destroy the economy of our country and our people's livelihoods. There will still be enough room to defeat Michael and the PF even if they had to achieve 99 per cent good performance. That one percent failure can be enough to get them out of office if those in the opposition are more honest, hardworking, strategically and tactically shrewd. It is not necessary to malign one's country, one's people just to become president.

Rupiah is fearing prosecution because he knows what he has done. Even Hakainde has told you that Rupiah was corrupt. So what is wrong in working to remove Rupiah's immunity so that he could be legitimately prosecuted for his corruption, the corruption which even his friend Hakainde acknowledges?

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