Friday, November 05, 2010

Has Mvunga joined the liars?

Has Mvunga joined the liars?
By The Post
Fri 05 Nov. 2010, 04:00 CAT

It is sad that those behind the removal of the abuse of office offence from the Anti Corruption Commission Act are trying to justify what they are doing with lies, half-truths and all sorts of distortions. But no lies should be allowed to be told to the masses of our people. And whenever lies are told, they must be exposed.

Professor Patrick Mvunga, a very close friend of Rupiah Banda who the President sometimes invites to accompany him on state-sponsored trips, has joined the band of those who are trying to defend this government’s acts of desperation by removing the offence of abuse of office from the Anti Corruption Commission Act.

In yesterday’s edition of the state-owned and government-controlled Times of Zambia, Prof Mvunga was quoted saying that “the current Anti Corruption Commission Act should be amended because it contravenes the Constitution and was outlawed in 1984 by the High Court”.

This is a lie. It is not true that the Anti Corruption Commission Act contravenes the Constitution. We know that George Kunda and his friends have been trying to convince our people that the Act forces people who are accused of corruption to talk. They also lie that the Act presumes people guilty of corruption in contravention of the Constitution.

There is nowhere in the Anti Corruption Commission Act where anyone is forced to give up their right against self-incrimination. The basic building block of this right is an accused person’s entitlement to remain quiet and not help his accusers to find him guilty of the offence that they allege against him. This is not a right that is peculiar to the Anti Corruption Commission Act offences. This is true of every offence that is tried in our courts of law.

An accused person has got the right to say something in his own defence or to keep quiet. But as we have said before, no one who is tried for an offence should expect that silence will save them when the evidence against them is overwhelming. In the same way that an accused person is free to keep quiet, our courts are also free to draw the necessary inferences that have to be drawn from the evidence before them.

In matters of corruption and abuse of office in section 37, what the current Anti Corruption Commission Act requires is that the prosecution have to show that the accused person has assets, for instance , that he or she cannot justify from their legitimate earnings. The prosecution has to demonstrate that fact. Once that is done, it is up to the accused person to show that in fact they are wrong. But no accused person is forced or required to open their mouth, whether on oath or otherwise.

If they can discredit the case of the prosecution through cross-examination, for instance, they are entitled to be acquitted. This is the law as it stands today. There is also the presumption of corrupt intent when a public officer is found to have received or acquired wealth in circumstances that are consistent with corruption. In such a case, it is up to the prosecution to show that the acquisition of wealth is consistent with corruption or abuse of office. Once they prove that, the court must put the accused on his defence.

At that stage, the accused can do three things: first, he can opt to keep quiet; second, he can give evidence on oath and be opened to cross-examination; third, he can opt to make an unsworn statement - as Frederick Chiluba did - in which case he is not open to cross-examination. This is the law as we know it.
We do not know why a well-educated man such as Prof Mvunga would choose to take a public platform and make a misleading analysis to defend what is indefensible, to justify what is unjustifiable.

But we are not surprised because this is not the first time highly educated Africans have tried to defend what is indefensible and to justify what is unjustifiable. We saw how intellectuals made Bokassa an emperor and defended and justified that nonsense. Idi Amin was defended in his madness by intellectuals. Closer to home, Chiluba’s thefts were helped and facilitated by great intellectuals - doctors and professors.

Who can argue that Katele Kalumba is not an intellectual? Prof Mvunga’s client in the recently ended corruption trial Prof Benjamin Mweene is another great intellectual who facilitated Chiluba’s thefts.

Prof Mvunga says that “the Act was thrown out in 1984 when judge Phillip Chirwa ruled that it contravened the Constitution”. And Prof Mvunga adds that “in the case of Mumba vs The People case of 1984, Mr Justice Chirwa ruled that the Act was irregular because it was against the Constitution after it was referred to the High Court from the magistrate”.

Prof Mvunga noted that “the provision had existed illegally since November 1984 when it was successfully challenged and the state did not appeal while the Supreme Court had never reversed its effect because it was against the ideal justice system”. Prof Mvunga also said that “the Penal Code has retained the abuse of office clause except that it presumes the accused person innocent until proven guilty…”

It is not true that section 37 of the Anti Corruption Commission Act was thrown out by justice Phillip Chirwa in 1984 and that it now existed illegally. This is a lie. There was no Anti Corruption Commission Act in 1984. Further, there was no section 37 of the Anti Corruption Commission Act in 1984 that was thrown out by justice Chirwa. There is no way justice Chirwa could have thrown out a provision in 1984 of an Act which was not in existence. We say this because the Anti Corruption Commission Act was only enacted in 1996, that is 12 years after the date when Prof Mvunga claims section 37 was thrown out.

Prof Mvunga also claims that section 37 or its equivalent was outlawed in the case of Mumba vs The People in 1984. This is also a lie. Mumba vs The People did not deal with abuse of office. That case dealt with issues that are very different from what section 37 deals with.

In summary, Section 37 tries to regulate the illicit enrichment of public officers through corruption and abuse of office. In other words, it prohibits public officers from maintaining a lifestyle or acquiring assets that are not consistent with their lawful earnings. The reasoning for this type of prohibition is very clear.

Many public officers, by virtue of the functions that they perform, exercise authority over vast national resources that are meant to be used for the common good. It is easy, as we have seen in the cases of Chiluba and his tandem of thieves, for criminally minded public officers to turn their public offices into an occasion for corruption and personal enrichment at the expense of the public services that the resources they superintend are supposed to provide. This is why those who wrote this law, quite rightly, provided that public officers should not be allowed to stealthily, without the possibility of detection of the crimes that they are committing, acquire wealth at the expense of the public that they are meant to serve. There can never be anything unconstitutional about protecting public resources and interests from the sticky fingers of criminals who occupy public offices.

There was nothing in the Mumba case that allows public officers to acquire property, wealth or other advantage illicitly without being required to account. The Mumba case dealt with a very different issue. It did not even deal with the Anti Corruption Commission Act as is being suggested by Prof Mvunga. That case dealt with the old corrupt practices Act. Specifically, it dealt with section 53(1) of that Act. Section 53 (1) of the corrupt practices Act required an accused person, who having been found with a case to answer and decided to give evidence, to do so under oath.

The implication of this requirement was that if an accused decided to talk in court, he was denied the opportunity to talk without being cross-examined. This is because once an accused person takes an oath, his evidence is subject to cross examination. This was the issue in the Mumba case. The court found that this requirement contravened the accused person’s right to elect not to talk or when he talks to be able to give an unsworn statement which would protect him from cross-examination. There was nothing with that case that came anywhere near what Prof Mvunga is claiming.

It is good that we have learnt some law and can now argue with people like Prof Mvunga who want to twist the law to suit the requirements of their friends.
It is clear that Rupiah and his friends are running scared of this law because they cannot explain the wealth that they are generating for themselves and their families. A public officer who occupies his position with an undivided intention to serve the people would have no problem with being called upon to account for their actions and in this case for wealth that they may have acquired whilst occupying public office.

Why should anyone want to occupy public office and at the same time be so determined to become wealthy by doing all sorts of businesses? What time are they going to use to run those businesses, if not public time?

Everybody knows that if you allow public officers to run wild and do as they please, conflicts of interest will result in our people not receiving proper services, and when they do, they will only receive shoddy services.

The Auditor General’s reports and the cases that have been before our courts are there to demonstrate what we are talking about. We all know that there are far too many briefcase companies belonging to ministers, permanent secretaries and other public officers that are doing corrupt business with the government at the expense of our people.

It is this abuse of public office that Rupiah is defending. He knows that he cannot use the truth to defend such abuses. It is no wonder they are resorting to lies, half-truths and all sorts of distortions. Is it possible that Prof Mvunga has hired himself out to this band of liars?

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Friday, November 27, 2009

MPs oppose judge Chulu, Prof Mvunga’s appointments

MPs oppose judge Chulu, Prof Mvunga’s appointments
By George Chellah and Chiwoyu Sinyangwe
Fri 27 Nov. 2009, 04:01 CAT

PF and UPND members of parliament on Wednesday opposed the Presidential appointments of Lusaka High Court judge Essau Elliot Chulu and Professor Patrick Mvunga to the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) and the Judicial Complaints Authority, describing the duo as friends of the President.

Debating the report of the Parliamentary Select Committee appointed to scrutinise the Presidential appointments of judge Chulu, who is President Rupiah Banda's close relative and Prof Mvunga to serve as ECZ commissioner and member of Judicial Complaints Authority respectively, Kantanshi PF member of parliament Yamfwa Mukanga opposed the appointments of the two individuals.

“Those who aspire to be bishops should be above suspicion. The same applies to these nominees. The Electoral Commission of Zambia is a very important commission because it can unite or destroy Zambia. It is for this reason that we need people of great calibre,” Mukanga said. “Professor Mvunga was involved in the Dora (Siliya) Tribunal and failed… what integrity are we talking about? I question as to whether it's prudent to ratify that person. We saw the Professor on the presidential entourage to Swaziland and America.

“What will stop a State Counsel from being compromised? We have seen State Counsels being compromised. We have seen some State Counsel taken to Cuba. The Judicial Complaints Authority can be compromised if we have people of compromised calibre.”
Mukanga argued that judge Chulu was about 67 years old and therefore too old to be appointed to ECZ.

“If you want a lawyer, you can even get young ones. These jobs are not jobs for friends. They are supposed to be for people of high integrity,” he said.

Mukanga also said there was need for tribal balancing at ECZ.

“Four out of five commissioners are from Eastern Province. I think that's where a problem is. Why should we only be talking about people from Eastern Province? We need to have a balance,” Mukanga said. “We have a President from Eastern Province, we have a Chief Justice who is supposed to be a returning officer from Eastern Province, we have the chairperson of ECZ from Eastern Province.”

Mukanga stressed that when appointing people, there are issues that should be taken into consideration. He said Lusaka lawyer John Sangwa has a case against judge Chulu, who is the judge-in-charge but before the case is disposed off, there is already a nomination.
“I urge people from this side not to support this nomination,” he said.

And Kalomo UPND member of parliament Request Muntanga also objected to the appointments.

“The job they are going for is a job that will be superintending politicians. Therefore, a person going there shall not hold any suspicion. If today Zambia was playing Ghana and a Mr Dhlamba is appointed referee, Zambia will complain whether he is qualified or not,” Muntanga said and observed that there was a complaint against judge Chulu at the Judicial Complaints Authority.

“To barely say 'no we shouldn't discuss certain issues' we are burying the head in the sand. We should be sensitive enough when you are taking a person to go in the ECZ, they should be above suspicion.

“A State Counsel who has been with the President everywhere and he has been told 'you are going to stand for the State' and things have gone wrong…Zambians know these things. For the judge who is on contract, why give him another contract? Get other people. Julius Ceasar said 'I am divorcing my wife, she must be above suspicion'…I’m saying they (judge Chulu and Prof Mvunga) must be above suspicion.”

And tourism minister Catherine Namugala said issues being raised concerning appointees that they came from a certain region were unfair.

She said she got worried as a mother when people debated on tribal lines.
And Bangweulu member of parliament Joseph Kasongo also spoke against debating on tribal lines.

But Roan PF member of parliament Chishimba Kambwili criticised Kasongo, saying that it was extremely disappointing that people failed to be consistent. He said it was the same Kasongo who defended the acquittal of former president Frederick Chiluba.

“If Chiluba did not come from Luapula, he could not have supported him,” Kambwili said.

He said there was need to be sensitive to the issue of tribalism.
“Today, ECZ has no confidence of Zambians and it will be wrong to be taking people from one province into this commission. The nomination of judge Chulu is unacceptable by all standards,” Kambwili said. “Even elections that are free and fair will be deemed not to be free and fair because you have your people.”

Kambwili said the issue of tribalism in the country was real.

He said there were records to show that President Banda had openly practiced tribalism when he went to distribute sugar in Vulamukoko in Eastern Province.

Kambwili's line of debate followed heckles from the opposition side who complained that President Banda was favouring people from Eastern Province with key government positions.

“The President was telling the people of Vulamukoko when he went to distribute sugar in the presence of Hon Namugala Catherine that 'I am your own, so vote for me,” Kambwili said. “Mr. Speaker, the issues of tribalism are real and they should be taken seriously.”

Kambwili opposed the appointment of Prof Mvunga, arguing that it would not help the impartiality of the Judicial Complaints Commission for a practicing lawyer to be a member of the body charged with monitoring the conduct of judicial workers.

“How does a practicing lawyer sit to hear the magistrates and judges that he appears before in courts? How is he going to deliver a ruling that is impartial? It's a matter of integrity and morality,” said Kambwili.

But lands minister Peter Daka said the colour, tribe and character of the person did not matter when a person was being considered for appointment to public officer.

Daka, who is also MMD Msanzala member of parliament, said MPs were lowering the standards of National Assembly by debating along tribal considerations.

“What is the tribe of Guy Scott and Given Lubinda?” wondered Daka, amidst protest from Lubinda. “…Even in the Northern Province, Hon Namugala is said not to be Bemba. Now, let me ask Hon Kambwili how he is going to treat his vice president who has got no tribe and who is the one the chief rejected…”

Daka said this in an apparent reference to paramount chief Chitimukulu's assertions during the Kasama by election that he could not vote for PF who had a white man for vice president.

Presidential affairs minister Ronald Mukuma said President Banda had shown impartiality in the manner he had been making appointments of public officers.

Mukuma who said the President reserved the right to choose people to work with and that President Banda had shown impartiality by taking on board most people from his predecessor, the late president Levy Mwanawasa.

Mukuma said he was not surprised that the people out there were beginning to lose confidence in the current crop of MPs because of certain lines of debate, such as debating on tribal lines.

“We should not come here to get allowances just to say tribal things,” said Mukuma. “Electoral Commission is very sensitive; you just can't pick someone because he has a degree…”

After a heated debate, Speaker Amusaa Mwanamwambwa subjected the motion to an electronic vote after his initial oral-based vote ruling in favour of MMD was rejected by the opposition.

After the electronic vote, the ruling MMD won with 76 votes while the PF/UPND members had 37 votes. There was one absentee vote.

And according to the report of the Ben Mwila-led Parliamentary Select Committee, the witnesses who appeared before the committee were unanimous in describing Prof Mvunga as a person of integrity, impartial and fearless.

The findings also observed that most witnesses said judge Chulu was a disciplinarian who is highly meticulous and strict with rules of an institution.

“In view of the foregoing, your committee are of the view that the nominees are eminently qualified and competent to serve in the positions to which they are appointed,” Mwila submitted.

“Your committee strongly recommend that the House to ratify the Presidential appointment of judge Esau Elliot Chulu and Prof Patrick Mphanza Mvunga, SC, to serve the nation in the noble offices of Commissioner of the Electoral Commission of Zambia and Member of the Judicial Complaints Authority respectively.”

But in the other submissions, which were made to the committee, the Law Association of Zambia (LAZ) submitted that judge Chulu had retired.

“In response to the committee's concern that the appointment of judge Essau Elliot Chulu to serve on the Electoral commission would deprive the bench of his services, LAZ responded in the negative, explaining that the nominee had retired and was, therefore, serving the bench on contract. In this case, the nominee was due to leave the bench soon,” read the report in part.

And the vice-chairperson of the Judicial Complaints Authority informed the committee that a search of their records revealed a complaint lodged against judge Chulu by Sangwa and two others for alleged misconduct.

“The vice-chairperson submitted that in the course of the commission's investigations of the complaint, the complainants filed a petition in the High Court against the Judicial Complaints Authority and the Attorney General.

The Authority, therefore, resolved to hold the complaint in abeyance pending the outcome of the petition in the court of law,” the report stated. “As to whether the Authority had received any other complaints against judge Chulu, the vice-chairperson responded that he was aware of another complaint against the nominee in which the complainant sought to disagree with a decision of the nominee as judge of the High Court. However, the Authority found no prima facie case as the complainant had the right to appeal to the higher court against the nominee's decision.”

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