Tuesday, April 13, 2010

Why colour still defines everything in South Africa

Why colour still defines everything in South Africa
By Karen Allen BBC News, South Africa
Sun 11 Apr. 2010, 22:30 CAT

Around 3,000 people commemorated Eugene Terreblanche's life
The road to Ventersdorp, home of the late Eugene Terreblanche, is fringed with fertile fields. It is a breath of fresh air driving through the countryside. But then you see the road signs, they are daubed with racist graffiti.

You think it is a throwback to the 1980s, but then you realise the spray paint is still fresh and these racist slogans come from the mouths of a post-apartheid generation. You can almost taste the racism in Ventersdorp.

I was trying to get a sense of how people were reacting to the killing of the town's most infamous resident and whether the extreme right-wing views he represented had become less evident since the fall of apartheid.

Looking for vengeance

I intercept a white woman as she emerges from a chip shop. With her neatly coiffed hair and freshly-applied lipstick, she is a picture of what might appear to be "rural decency".

And she is happy to talk. "Did she expect a backlash following Terreblanche's death?" I enquire politely.

"Yes," she says. And, taking me by surprise, she describes rather forcefully how she would happily take up arms herself to avenge the killing.

This lady may represent an extreme of Afrikaner thought, but in this town, where the swastika-like emblem of the AWB (Afrikaner Resistance Movement) stands proud, there are many conservatives whose views have hardened these last few days.

This febrile atmosphere has not been calmed by the rantings of the youth league of the ruling African National Congress

One black woman I talked to lamented that Eugene Terreblanche had been made a martyr.

"We may pay the price," she told me.

The khaki-and-black clad members of the AWB were largely dismissed in the mid-90s as an embarrassment and an irrelevance.

I was told in Ventersdorp that since Terreblanche's killing, the AWB claim that new members are queuing up to join, but few here believe they will be a significant political force.

It was teeming with rain when I met Harry at a farm half-an-hour's drive from Ventersdorp.

He had just picked his son up from university where black and white students now study side by side. Harry's parents were killed two years ago in a brutal robbery at their home.

His best friend Paul was gunned down on his farm in Limpopo just a few weeks back.

Farm killings, fuelled by South Africa's gross inequalities, have become big news.

And because the majority of farmers are white, it has assumed a racial dimension.

New dawn fades

This febrile atmosphere has not been calmed by the rantings of the youth league of the ruling African National Congress, who have been taunting the farmers with anti-white songs from the days of the liberation struggle.

Harry is one of those South Africans who was full of hope when Nelson Mandela became president in 1994.
Map

But now, he tells me, he feels let down by President Zuma. He said he had expected him to behave like a father protecting all his children.

"This he has failed to do," he said.

The great irony is that the frustration of white farmers like Harry is shared by many blacks.

Jabu is a black businessman in Soweto, the township in southern Johannesburg which is associated with the liberation struggle.

Fear of crime, I realised later, was the common thread that united these two men.

But one of them thinks the answer is a return to racial segregation. The other says the country needs to come together and move on.

Race 'excuse'

Jabu was sipping sodas at Sakumzi's restaurant in Soweto when I first met him. He is bright, streetwise and was wearing the football strip of one of the local clubs.

Playing on a white assumption, he introduces himself to me as a car thief. I very quickly realise he was joking.

He was the only black player on the student football team when he studied at the University of the Witwatersrand back in the early 1990s.
A supporter of slain white supremacist leader Eugene Terreblanche holds a placard reading, Afrikaners on the march to freedom, outside the court in Ventersdorp, South Africa, Tuesday, April 6, 2010
South Africa was famously dubbed the 'rainbow nation' post-apartheid

Now nearly two decades later, he says the racial mix there has remained virtually the same. But he is certain that things are changing for the better in South Africa and he prides himself on having a racially mixed social circle.

Jabu sympathises with the white farmers who express their fears over crime but insists that everyone in South Africa is affected.

"I grew up in my neighbourhood with thieves," he tells me. "And now, most of them are dead."

There is a man up the road who specialise in "panga" or machete killings, he says bluntly.

"What can we do?" he asks. "We just try to rub along together and remember the spirit of "ubuntu", or brotherhood, that Nelson Mandela showed us. We also need to do more to bridge the economic divide. And we've got to stop using race as an excuse."

This is famously the rainbow nation and much has changed here since the days of apartheid. Yet colour, it seems to me, still defines everything in South Africa.

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Wednesday, April 07, 2010

(HERALD) Racial clashes at Terre’blanche hearing

Racial clashes at Terre’blanche hearing
Associated Press-HR.

VENTERSDORP (South Africa). Whites and blacks faced off angrily in song yesterday in front of a heavily guarded courthouse before the first hearing of a teenager and another farm worker who have allegedly confessed to killing white supremacist leader, Eugene Terre’blanche, in a wage dispute.

The death of Terre’blanche, a militant Afrikaner leader once convicted of beating a black farm worker so badly the man was left brain damaged, has focused attention on simmering racial tensions less than 10 weeks before South Africa hosts the World Cup.

Police officers rushed to separate nearly 2 000 people split into white and black groups after a middle-aged white woman sprayed an energy drink on blacks singing the Zulu choruses of the country’s national anthem. Whites had earlier been waving apartheid era flags and singing the parts of the national anthem that are in Afrikaans and that date to the apartheid era.

Police set up coils of razor wire to separate the groups — whites who said they were there to support the family of the slain farmer and blacks supporting the family of the 15-year-old suspect and his 28-year-old co-worker.

Authorities say Terre’blanche (69) was bludgeoned to death on Saturday in his bed. The 15-year-old’s mother told AP Television News that the suspects killed the farmer because he hadn’t paid them in months.

Yesterday’s court hearing in the town of Ventersdorp, some 160km west of the capital Pretoria, will not be public because the younger suspect is a minor. Police have not identified either of the suspects by name.

Minutes before the confrontation, far-right militant whites had provocatively waved old flags signifying white rule and launched into a rendition of the apartheid-era anthem in the Afrikaans language.

"We need more people in here — quick!" a police officer yelled, on the run, as the two groups advanced on each other and police scrambled to keep them apart.

After calm was restored, Pieter Steyn, the provincial leader of Terre’blanche’s Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging movement, better known as the AWB, apologised for the woman who sprayed the blacks.

A day earlier, Steyn had retreated from threats made by other militants to avenge Terre’blanche’s death. Steyn said the AWB renounces violence, and that the earlier threats were made "in the heat to the moment. We have spoken to every one and told them to be calm."

Terre’blanche’s AWB has blamed African National Congress Youth League leader Julius Malema for the death, saying his insistence on public performances of an anti-apartheid song that includes lines about killing white farmers was hate speech that led to Terre’blanche’s killing.

Malema says the song has nothing to do with Terre’blanche’s death. The ANC insists the song is part of its heritage and that the lyrics — which also speak of white farmers as thieves and rapists — refer to those who supported apartheid and now oppose democracy.

Bomber Matinyane, regional director of the South African National Civic Organisation, a civil rights group, equated Malema’s song and the display of apartheid-era flags, saying both inflamed racial tensions.

"Malema must stop it and they must stop flying those old flags," Matinyane said outside the courthouse.

Blacks outside the courthouse sang other songs from the struggle for majority rule that finally came in 1994 after years of state-sponsored violence by the white minority regime and urban guerrilla warfare waged by the ANC.

Brenda Abrams, a 30-year-old black businesswoman who was at the courthouse to support the family of the younger accused, said a "big fuss" was being made about Terre’blanche’s death.

"But nobody says anything when black farmworkers are killed," Abrams said.

AWB members still seek to create an all-white republic within mostly black South Africa. The group’s red, white and black insignia resembles a Nazi swastika, but with three prongs instead of four.

The movement always has been on the fringes, estimated to have no more than 70 000 members at its height in the early 1990s out of a population of nearly 50 million.

Terre’blanche was sentenced to six years in jail in 2001 for the attempted murder of former security guard Paul Motshabi in March 1996. He was released in 2004. Motshabi suffered brain damage, and was left paralysed and unable to speak for months after the attack. — Associated Press-HR.

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